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An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations; Smith, Adam
25 paragraphs found.
B.I, Introduction and Plan of the Work
Note:
[ Iliad, vi. 236; quoted with the same object in Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. i.; Pufendorf, De jure naturæ et gentium, lib. v., cap. v., § 1; Martin-Leake, Historical Account of English Money, 2nd ed., 1745 p. 4 and elsewhere.]
Note:
Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 33. cap. 3. ['Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romæ: Timæus tradit.' Ed. 1 reads 'authority of one Remeus, an ancient author,' Remeus being the reading in the edition of Pliny in Smith's library, cp. Bonar's Catalogue of the Library of Adam Smith, 1894, p. 87. Ed. 1 does not contain the note.]
Note:
[Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. iii.; see below, vol. ii., pp. 468, 469.]
B.I, Ch.1, Of the Division of Labor
Note:
[ Iliad, vi. 236; quoted with the same object in Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. i.; Pufendorf, De jure naturæ et gentium, lib. v., cap. v., § 1; Martin-Leake, Historical Account of English Money, 2nd ed., 1745 p. 4 and elsewhere.]
Note:
Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 33. cap. 3. ['Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romæ: Timæus tradit.' Ed. 1 reads 'authority of one Remeus, an ancient author,' Remeus being the reading in the edition of Pliny in Smith's library, cp. Bonar's Catalogue of the Library of Adam Smith, 1894, p. 87. Ed. 1 does not contain the note.]
Note:
[Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. iii.; see below, vol. ii., pp. 468, 469.]
B.I, Ch.2, Of the Principle which gives Occasion to the Division of Labour
Note:
[ Iliad, vi. 236; quoted with the same object in Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. i.; Pufendorf, De jure naturæ et gentium, lib. v., cap. v., § 1; Martin-Leake, Historical Account of English Money, 2nd ed., 1745 p. 4 and elsewhere.]
Note:
Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 33. cap. 3. ['Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romæ: Timæus tradit.' Ed. 1 reads 'authority of one Remeus, an ancient author,' Remeus being the reading in the edition of Pliny in Smith's library, cp. Bonar's Catalogue of the Library of Adam Smith, 1894, p. 87. Ed. 1 does not contain the note.]
Note:
[Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. iii.; see below, vol. ii., pp. 468, 469.]
B.I, Ch.3, That the Division of Labour is Limited by the Extent of the Market
Note:
[ Iliad, vi. 236; quoted with the same object in Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. i.; Pufendorf, De jure naturæ et gentium, lib. v., cap. v., § 1; Martin-Leake, Historical Account of English Money, 2nd ed., 1745 p. 4 and elsewhere.]
Note:
Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 33. cap. 3. ['Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romæ: Timæus tradit.' Ed. 1 reads 'authority of one Remeus, an ancient author,' Remeus being the reading in the edition of Pliny in Smith's library, cp. Bonar's Catalogue of the Library of Adam Smith, 1894, p. 87. Ed. 1 does not contain the note.]
Note:
[Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. iii.; see below, vol. ii., pp. 468, 469.]
B.I, Ch.4, Of the Origin and Use of Money
I.4.6

Those metals seem originally to have been made use of for this purpose in rude bars, without any stamp or coinage. Thus we are told by Pliny, *66 upon the authority of Timæus, an antient historian, that, till the time of Servius Tullius, the Romans had no coined money, but made use of unstamped bars of copper, to purchase whatever they had occasion for. These rude bars, therefore, performed at this time the function of money.

Note:
[ Iliad, vi. 236; quoted with the same object in Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. i.; Pufendorf, De jure naturæ et gentium, lib. v., cap. v., § 1; Martin-Leake, Historical Account of English Money, 2nd ed., 1745 p. 4 and elsewhere.]
Note:
Plin. Hist. Nat. lib. 33. cap. 3. ['Servius rex primus signavit aes. Antea rudi usos Romæ: Timæus tradit.' Ed. 1 reads 'authority of one Remeus, an ancient author,' Remeus being the reading in the edition of Pliny in Smith's library, cp. Bonar's Catalogue of the Library of Adam Smith, 1894, p. 87. Ed. 1 does not contain the note.]
Note:
[Pliny, Hist. Nat., lib. xxxiii., cap. iii.; see below, vol. ii., pp. 468, 469.]
B.I, Ch.5, Of the Real and Nominal Price of Commodities
Note:
Pliny, lib. xxxiii. c. 3. [This note is not in ed. 1.]
B.I, Ch.6, Of the Component Parts of the Price of Commodities
Note:
Pliny, lib. xxxiii. c. 3. [This note is not in ed. 1.]
B.I, Ch.7, Of the Natural and Market Price of Commodities
Note:
Pliny, lib. xxxiii. c. 3. [This note is not in ed. 1.]
B.I, Ch.10, Of Wages and Profit in the Different Employments of Labour and Stock
Note:
[This story is from Pliny, H. N., xxxiii., cap. iv., who remarks, 'Tantus erat docendae oratoriae quaestus,' but the commentators point out that earlier authorities ascribe the erection of the statue not to Gorgias, but to the whole of Greece.]
B.I, Ch.11, Of the Rent of Land
I.11.194

The first sort of rude produce of which the price rises in the progress of improvement, is that which it is scarce in the power of human industry to multiply at all. It consists in those things which nature produces only in certain quantities, and which being of a very perishable nature, it is impossible to accumulate together the produce of many different seasons. Such are the greater part of rare and singular birds and fishes, many different sorts of game, almost all wild-fowl, all birds of passage in particular, as well as many other things. When wealth and the luxury which accompanies it increase, the demand for these is likely to increase with them, and no effort of human industry may be able to increase the supply much beyond what it was before this increase of the demand. The quantity of such commodities, therefore, remaining the same, or nearly the same, while the competition to purchase them is continually increasing, their price may rise to any degree of extravagance, and seems not to be limited by any certain boundary. If woodcocks should become so fashionable as to sell for twenty guineas a-piece, no effort of human industry could increase the number of those brought to market, much beyond what it is at present. The high price paid by the Romans, in the time of their greatest grandeur, for rare birds and fishes, may in this manner easily be accounted for. These prices were not the effects of the low value of silver in those times, but of the high value of such rarities and curiosities as human industry could not multiply at pleasure. The real value of silver was higher at Rome, for some time before and after the fall of the republic, than it is through the greater part of Europe at present. Three sestertii, equal to about sixpence sterling, was the price which the republic paid for the modius or peck of the tithe wheat of Sicily. This price, however, was probably below the average market price, the obligation to deliver their wheat at this rate being considered as a tax upon the Sicilian farmers. When the Romans, therefore, had occasion to order more corn than the tithe of wheat amounted to, they were bound by capitulation to pay for the surplus at the rate of four sestertii, or eight-pence sterling, the peck; *182 and this had probably been reckoned the moderate and reasonable, that is, the ordinary or average contract price of those times; it is equal to about one-and-twenty shillings the quarter. Eight-and-twenty shillings the quarter was, before the late years of scarcity, the ordinary contract price of English wheat, which in quality is inferior to the Sicilian, and generally sells for a lower price in the European market. The value of silver, therefore, in those ancient times, must have been to its value in the present, as three to four inversely, that is, three ounces of silver would then have purchased the same quantity of labour and commodities which four ounces will do at present. When we read in Pliny, therefore, that Seius *183 bought a white nightingale, as a present for the empress Agrippina, at the price of six thousand sestertii, equal to about fifty pounds of our present money; and that Asinius Celer *184 purchased a surmullet at the price of eight thousand sestertii, equal to about sixty-six pounds thirteen shillings and four-pence of our present money; the extravagance of those prices, how much soever it may surprise us, is apt, notwithstanding, to appear to us about one-third less than it really was. Their real price, the quantity of labour and subsistence which was given away for them, was about one-third more than their nominal price is apt to express to us in the present times. Seius gave for the nightingale the command of a quantity of labour and subsistence equal to what 66 l. 13 s. 4 d. would purchase in the present times; and Asinius Celer gave for the surmullet the command of a quantity equal to what 88 l. 17 s. 9 d. 1/3 would purchase. What occasioned the extravagance of those high prices was, not so much the abundance of silver, as the abundance of labour and subsistence, of which those Romans had the disposal, beyond what was necessary for their own use. The quantity of silver, of which they had the disposal, was a good deal less than what the command of the same quantity of labour and subsistence would have procured to them in the present times.

B.III, Ch.1, Of the Natural Progress of Opulence
Note:
[Pliny, H. N., lib. xviii., cap. iv.; Columella, De re rustica, lib. i., præfatio.]
B.III, Ch.2, Of the Discouragement of Agriculture in the Ancient State of Europe after the Fall of the Roman Empire
III.2.9

But if great improvements are seldom to be expected from great proprietors, they are least of all to be expected when they employ slaves for their workmen. The experience of all ages and nations, I believe, demonstrates that the work done by slaves, though it appears to cost only their maintenance, is in the end the dearest of any. A person who can acquire no property, can have no other interest but to eat as much, and to labour as little as possible. Whatever work he does beyond what is sufficient to purchase his own maintenance can be squeezed out of him by violence only, and not by any interest of his own. In ancient Italy, how much the cultivation of corn degenerated, how unprofitable it became to the master when it fell under the management of slaves, is remarked by both Pliny and Columella. *13 In the time of Aristotle it had not been much better in ancient Greece. Speaking of the ideal republic described in the laws of Plato, to maintain five thousand idle men (the number of warriors supposed necessary for its defence) together with their women and servants, would require, he says, a territory of boundless extent and fertility, like the plains of Babylon. *14

Note:
[Pliny, H. N., lib. xviii., cap. iv.; Columella, De re rustica, lib. i., præfatio.]
B.IV, Ch.9, Of the Agricultural Systems, or of those Systems of Political Oeconomy, which Represent the Produce of Land
IV.9.47

The policy of the ancient republics of Greece, and that of Rome, though it honoured agriculture more than manufactures or foreign trade, yet seems rather to have discouraged the latter employments than to have given any direct or intentional encouragement to the former. In several of the ancient states of Greece, foreign trade was prohibited altogether; and in several others the employments of artificers and manufacturers were considered as hurtful to the strength and agility of the human body, as rendering it incapable of those habits which their military and gymnastic exercises endeavoured to form in it, and as thereby disqualifying it more or less for *91 undergoing the fatigues and encountering the dangers of war. Such occupations were considered as fit only for slaves, and the free citizens of the state were prohibited from exercising them. *92 Even in those states where no such prohibition took place, as in Rome and Athens, the great body of the people were in effect excluded from all the trades which are, now commonly exercised by the lower sort of the inhabitants of towns. Such trades were, at Athens and Rome, all occupied by the slaves of the rich, who exercised them for the benefit of their masters, whose wealth, power, and protection made it almost impossible for a poor freeman to find a market for his work, when it came into competition with that of the slaves of the rich. Slaves, however, are very seldom inventive; and all the most important improvements, either in machinery, or in the *93 arrangement and distribution of work which facilitate and abridge labour, have been the discoveries of freemen. Should a slave propose any improvement of this kind, his master would be very apt to consider the proposal as the suggestion of laziness, and a desire to save his own labour at the master's expence. The poor slave, instead of reward, would probably meet with much abuse, perhaps with some punishment. In the manufactures carried on by slaves, therefore, more labour must generally have been employed to execute the same quantity of work than in those carried on by freemen. The work of the former must, upon that account, generally have been dearer than that of the latter. The Hungarian mines, it is remarked by Mr. Montesquieu, though not richer, *94 have always been wrought with less expence, and therefore with more profit, than the Turkish mines in their neighbourhood. The Turkish mines are wrought by slaves; and the arms of those slaves are the only machines which the Turks have ever thought of employing. The Hungarian mines are wrought by freemen, who employ a great deal of machinery, by which they facilitate and abridge their own labour. *95 From the very little that is known about the price of manufactures in the times of the Greeks and Romans, it would appear that those of the finer sort were excessively dear. Silk sold for its weight in gold. It was not, indeed, in those times a European manufacture; and as it was all brought from the East Indies, the distance of the carriage may in some measure account for the greatness of price. The price, however, which a lady, it is said, would sometimes pay for a piece of very fine linen, seems to have been equally extravagant; and as linen was always either a European, or at farthest, an Egyptian manufacture, this high price can be accounted for only by the great expence of the labour which must have been employed about it, and the expence of this labour again could arise from nothing but the awkwardness of the machinery which it made use of. The price of fine woollens too, though not quite so extravagant, seems however to have been much above that of the present times. Some cloths, we are told by Pliny, dyed in a particular manner, cost a hundred denarii, or three pounds six shillings and eight pence the pound weight. *96 Others dyed in another manner cost a thousand denarii the pound weight, or thirty-three pounds six shillings and eight pence. The Roman pound, it must be remembered, contained only twelve of our avoirdupois ounces. This high price, indeed, seems to have been principally owing to the dye. But had not the cloths themselves been much dearer than any which are made in the present times, so very expensive a dye would not probably have been bestowed upon them. The disproportion would have been too great between the value of the accessory and that of the principal. The price mentioned by the same *97 author of some Triclinaria, a sort of woollen pillows or cushions made use of to lean upon as they reclined upon their couches at table, passes all credibility; some of them being said to have cost more than thirty thousand, others more than three hundred thousand pounds. This high price, too, is not said to have arisen from the dye. In the dress of the people of fashion of both sexes there seems to have been much less variety, it is observed by Dr. Arbuthnot, in ancient than in modern times; *98 and the very little variety which we find in that of the ancient statues confirms his observation. He infers from this that their dress must upon the whole have been cheaper than ours; but the conclusion does not seem to follow. When the expence of fashionable dress is very great, the variety must be very small. But when, by the improvements in the productive powers of manufacturing art and industry, the expence of any one dress comes to be very moderate, the variety will naturally be very great. The rich, not being able to distinguish themselves by the expence of any one dress, will naturally endeavour to do so by the multitude and variety of their dresses.