An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations

Adam Smith, from the Warren J. Samuels Portrait Collection
Smith, Adam
(1723-1790)
CEE
Display paragraphs in this book containing:
Editor/Trans.
Edwin Cannan, ed.
First Pub. Date
1776
Publisher/Edition
London: Methuen & Co., Ltd.
Pub. Date
1904
Comments
5th edition.

Notes to the Electronic Edition:

* The Library of Economics and Liberty electronic edition is taken from Edwin Cannan's 1904 edition of Smith's Wealth of Nations, based on the 5th and last edition published in Smith's lifetime. The text and footnotes are presented here in full.

** Each footnote is marked in the text by a colored-coded superscript and in this footnote file according to its authorship as follows:

  • The author's original notes, color-coded blue in the text, are unbracketed and unlabeled below.
  • The editor's (Cannan's) notes, color-coded gold in the text, are bracketed below.
  • The website (Library of Economics and Liberty) Editor's notes, color-coded red in the text, are unbracketed and indicated by asterisks rather than numbers.

Book II, Introduction

1. [Lectures, p. 181.]

2. [Eds. 1 and 2 place the `only' here.]

Book II, Chapter I

3. ['Ce n'est pas cette maison qui produit elle-même ces mille francs. . . . Le loyer d'une maison n'est point pour la société une augmentation de revenu, une création de richesses nouvelles, il n'est au contraire qu'un mouvement, qu'un changement de main'—Mercier de la Rivière, L'Ordre naturel et essentiel des Sociétés politiques, 12mo ed., 1767, vol. ii., p. 123, or in Daire's Physiocrates, p. 487.]

4. [But in bk. i., ch. x., the remuneration of improved dexterity is treated as wages.]

5. [Ed. 1 reads `users and consumers' here and 14 lines below.]

Book II, Chapter II

6. [There seems no reason whatever for supposing that this is necessarily the 'natural' action.]

7. [In this paragraph the capital or stock of goods is confused with the goods themselves. The goods of which the stock consists may become revenue, but the stock itself cannot. The maintenance of a stock, even of perishable and consumable goods, does form a charge on the labour of the society.]

8. [If it were not for the use of the old-fashioned term 'circulation' instead of the newer 'produce,' the explanation which follows would be unnecessary. No one could be suspected of a desire to add all the money to the annual produce.]

9. [Ed. 1 does not contain `or'.]

10. [Above, pp. 303, 304.]

11. [Petty's estimate in Verbum Sapienti is £40,000,000 for the income and £6,000,000 for the coin. Gregory King's estimate is £43,500,000 for the income and no less than £11,500,000 for the coin, in Geo. Chalmers, Estimate, 1802, pp. 423, 427.]

12. [Below, p. 327.]

13. [Misprinted 'contrary' in ed. 5.]

14. [Adam Anderson Commerce, A.D. 1695.]

15. See Ruddiman's Preface to Anderson's Diplomata, &c. Scotiæ. [Pp. 84, 85. See above p. 236, note.]

16. ['The folly of a few misers or the fear that people might have of losing their money, or various other dangers and accidents, prevented very many of the old Scots coins from being brought in,' op. cit., p. 175. Ruddiman in a note, op. cit., p. 231, says: 'The English coin was also ordained to be called in,' but does not include it in his estimate of not less than £900,000, p. 176.]

17. [From 1766 to 1772 inclusive the coinage averaged about £810,000 per annum. The amount for `ten years together' is stated below, vol. ii., pp. 59, 65, to have been upwards of £800,000 a year, though the average for the ten years 1763-1772 was only £760,000. But the inclusion of the large coinage of 1773, viz., £1,317,645 would raise these averages considerably. See the figures at the end of each year in Macpherson, Annals Of Commerce.]

18. [Misprinted `remain' in ed. 5.]

19. [But as Playfair (ed. of Wealth of Nations, vol. i., p. 472) points out, the more customers a bank has the more it is likely to know the transactions of each of them.]

20. [Above, p. 314.]

21. The method described in the text was by no means either the most common or the most expensive one in which those adventurers sometimes raised money by circulation. It frequently happened that A in Edinburgh would enable B in London to pay the first bill of exchange by drawing, a few days before it became due, a second bill at three months date upon the same B in London. This bill, being payable to his own order, A sold in Edinburgh at par; and with its contents purchased bills upon London payable at sight to the order of B, to whom he sent them by the post. Towards the end of the late war, the exchange between Edinburgh and London was frequently three per cent. against Edinburgh and those bills at sight must frequently have cost A that premium. This transaction therefore being repeated at least four times in the year, and being loaded with a commission of at least one half per cent. upon each repetition, must at that period have cost A at least fourteen per cent. in the year. At other times A would enable B to discharge the first bill of exchange by drawing, a few days before it became due, a second bill at two months date; not upon B, but upon some third person, C, for example, in London. This other bill was made payable to the order of B, who, upon its being accepted by C, discounted it with some banker in London; and A enabled C to discharge it by drawing, a few days before it became due, a third bill, likewise at two months date, sometimes upon his first correspondent B and sometimes upon some fourth or fifth person, D or E, for example. This third bill was made payable to the order of C; who, as soon as it was accepted, discounted it in the same manner with some banker in London. Such operations being repeated at least six times in the year, and being loaded with a commission of at least one-half per cent. upon each repetition, together with the legal interest of five per cent., this method of raising money, in the same manner as that described in the text, must have cost A something more than eight per cent. By saving, however, the exchange between Edinburgh and London it was less expensive than that mentioned in the foregoing part of this note; but then it required an established credit with more houses than one in London, an advantage which many of these adventurers could not always find it easy to procure. [This note appears first in ed. 2. Playfair observes that the calculation of the loss of 14 per cent. by the first method is wrong, since `if A at Edinburgh negotiated his bills on London at 3 per cent. loss he would gain as much in purchasing bills on London with the money.'—Ed. of Wealth of Nations, vol. i., p. 483, note.]

22. [The index s.v. Bank gives the name 'the Ayr bank'. Its head office was at Ayr, but it had branches at Edinburgh and Dumfries. A detailed history of it is to be found in The Precipitation and Fall of Messrs. Douglas, Heron and Company, late Bankers in Air with the Causes of their Distress and Ruin investigated and considered by a Committee of Inquiry appointed by the Proprietors, Edinburgh, 1778. From this it appears that Smith's account of the proceedings of the bank is extremely accurate, a fact which is doubtless due to his old pupil, the Duke of Buccleuch, having been one of the principal shareholders. Writing to Pulteney on 5th September, 1772, Smith says, `though I have had no concern myself in the public calamities, some of the friends in whom I interest myself the most have been deeply concerned in them; and my attention has been a good deal occupied about the most proper method of extricating them'. The extrication was effected chiefly by the sale of redeemable annuities. See Rae, Life of Adam Smith, 1895 pp. 253-255; David Macpherson, Annals of Commerce, vol. iii., pp. 525, 553; House of Commons' Journals, vol. xxxiv., pp. 493-495, and the Act of Parliament, 14 Geo. III., c. 21. The East India Company opposed the bill on the ground that the bonds to be issued would compete with theirs, but their opposition was defeated by a vote of 176 to 36 in the House of Commons, Journals, vol. xxxiv., p. 601.]

23. [Ed. 1 does not contain `those'.]

24. [Macpherson, op. cit., p. 525, says the partners were the Dukes of Buccleuch and Queensberry, the Earl of Dumfries, Mr. Douglas and many other gentlemen.]

25. [Lectures, p. 211. The bookseller's preface to the 2nd ed. of Money and Trade (below, p. 338, note 3) says the work consists of 'some heads of a scheme which Mr. Law proposed to the Parliament of Scotland in the year 1705'.]

26. [These two books are in Bonar, Catalogue of Adam Smith's Library, pp. 35, 36. Du Tot's is Réflexions politiques sur les Finances et le Commerce, oł l'on examine quelles ont été sur les revenus, les denrées, le change étranger et conséquemment sur notre commerce, les influences des augmentations et des diminutions des valeurs numéraires des monnoyes, La Haye, 1754. Du Verney's is Examen du livre intitulé 'Réflexions politiques sur les Finances et le Commerce,' La Haye, 1740.]

27. [In Lectures there is an account, apparently derived from Du Verney, which extends over eight pages, 211-218.]

28. [Money and Trade Considered, with a Proposal for Supplying the Nation with Money, 1705.]

29. James Postlethwaite's History of the Public Revenue, page 301. [History of the Public Revenue from 1688 to 1753, with an Appendix to 1758, by James Postlethwayt, F.R.S., 1759; see also below, vol. ii., p. 447.]

30. [These three lines are not in ed. 1.]

31. [From 'it was incorporated,' on p. 338, to this point is an abstract of the 'Historical State of the Bank of England,' in Postlethwayt's History of the Public Revenue, pp. 301-310. The totals are taken from the bottom of Postlethwayt's pages.]

32. [In 1745, Magens, Universal Merchant, p. 31, suggests that there may have been suspicions that the money was being drawn out for the support of the rebellion.]

33. [Eds. 1 and 2 read `him'.]

34. [The Bank of England issued none under £20 till 1759, when £15 and £10 notes were introduced.—Anderson, Commerce, A.D. 1759.]

35. [5 Geo. III., c. 49.]

36. [The reference is probably to the passages in the `Discourse of Money,' and the 'Discourse of the Balance of Trade,' where Hume censures paper money as the cause of a rise of prices.—Political Discourses, 1752, pp. 43-45, 89-91; cp. Lectures, p. 197.]

37. [5 Geo. III., c. 49; referred to above, p. 343.)

38. [15 Geo. III., c. 51.]

39. ['A knavish device of fraudulent debtors of the loan money to pay off their loans at a very depreciated value.' William Douglass, M.D., Summary, Historical and Political, of the First Planting, Progressive Improvements, and Present State of the British Settlements in North America, 1760, vol. ii., p. 107. The author uses strong language in many places about what he calls 'this accursed affair of plantation paper currencies,' vol. ii., p. 13, note (s); cp. vol. i., pp. 310, 359; vol. ii., pp. 254-255, 334-335.]

40. [4 Geo. III., c. 34.]

41. [Below, pp. 503-513. See also the 'Advertisement' or preface to the 4th ed., above.]

42. [Ed. 1 reads 'This account of the Bank of Amsterdam, however, I have reason to believe, is altogether chimerical.']

43. [Ed. 1 reads 'sink the value of gold and silver, or occasion equal quantities of those metals'.]

Book II, Chapter III

44. Some French authors of great learning and ingenuity have used those words in a different sense. In the last chapter of the fourth book I shall endeavour to show that their sense is an improper one.

45. [In the argument which follows in the text the fact is overlooked that this is only true when the manufacturers are employed to produce commodities for sale and when the menial servants are employed merely for the comfort of the employer. A man may and often does grow poor by employing people to make `particular subjects or vendible commodities' for his own consumption, and an innkeeper may and often does grow rich by employing menial servants.]

46. [But in the 'Introduction and Plan of the Work', vol. i., p. 2, 'useful' is coupled with 'productive,' and used as equivalent to it.]

47. [It must be observed that in this paragraph produce is not used in the ordinary economic sense of income or net produce, but as including all products, e.g., the oil used in weaving machinery as well as the cloth.]

48. [The question first propounded, whether profits form a larger proportion of the produce, is wholly lost sight of. With a stock larger in proportion to the produce, a lower rate of profit may give a larger proportion of the produce.]

49. [Viz., Paris, Toulouse, Grenoble, Bordeaux, Dijon, Rouen, Aix, Rennes, Pau, Metz, Besançon and Douai.—Encyclopédie, tom. xii., 1765, s.v. Parlement.]

50. [In Lectures, pp. 154-156, the idleness of Edinburgh and such like places compared with Glasgow is attributed simply to the want of independence in the inhabitants. The introduction of revenue and capital is the fruit of study of the physiocratic doctrines.]

51. [This paradox is arrived at through a confusion between the remuneration of the labourers who produce the additions to the capital and the additions themselves. What is really saved is the additions to the capital, and these are not consumed.]

52. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'it'.]

53. [Misprinted 'instance' in ed. 5, and consequently in some modern editions.]

54. ['Impoverished' is here equivalent to 'made poor,' i.e., ruined, not merely to 'made poorer'. ]

55. [Ed. 1 reads 'is'.]

56. [Ed. 1 reads '1701'.]

57. [Ed. 1 reads 'the next year'.]

58. [As suggested by Germain Garnier's note on this passage (Recherches sur la Nature et les Causes de la Richesse des Nations 1802, tom. ii., p. 346), this was doubtless the Count of Bruhl, Minister and Great Chamberlain to the King of Poland, who left at his death 365 suits of clothes, all very rich. Jonas Hanway (Historical Account of the British Trade over the Caspian Sea, with a Journal of Travels from London through Russia into Persia, and back through Russia, Germany and Holland, 1753, vol. ii. p. 230) says this count had 300 or 400 suits of rich clothes, and had 'collected all the finest colours of all the finest cloths, velvets, and silks of all the manufactures, not to mention the different kinds of lace and embroideries of Europe,' and also pictures and books, at Dresden. He died in 1764.]

59. [This was the Castle Inn at Marlborough, which ceased to be an inn, and became Marlborough College in 1843, thus undergoing another vicissitude.]

60. [The innkeeper, Mrs. Walker, a zealous Jacobite, refused an offer of fifty guineas for the bed, but presented it about 1764 to the Earl of Elgin (John Fernie, History of the Town and Parish of Dunfermline 1815, p. 71), and its remains now form a mantel-piece in the dining-room at Broomhall, near Dunfermline.]

61. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'though'.]

62. [Ed. 1 does not contain '&c.']

Book II, Chapter IV

63. [Lectures, p. 220.]

64. [Locke, Some Considerations, ed. of 1696, pp. 6, 10, 11, 81; Law, Money and Trade, 2nd ed., 1720, p. 17; Montesquieu Esprit des Lois, liv. xxii., ch. vi. Locke and Law suppose that the rate rises and falls with the quantity of money, and Montesquieu specifically attributes the historical fall to the discovery of the American mines. Cantillon disapproves of the common and received idea that an increase of effective money diminishes the rate of interest.—Essai, pp. 282-285; see Lectures, pp. 219, 220.]

65. [In his essay, Of Interest,' in Political Discourses, 1752.]

66. [Above, p. 102.]

67. [This seems obvious, but it was distinctly denied by Locke, Some Considerations, pp. 83, 84.]

Book II, Chapter V

68. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'its'.]

69. [Ed. 1 does not contain `immediately' here or eight lines lower down.]

70. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'immediately'.]

71. [Below, p. 441.]

72. [Possibly the supposed authority for this statement is Montesquieu, Esprit des Lois, liv. xxi., ch. vi.: `L'Egypte éloignée par la religion et par les mœurs de toute communication avec les étrangers, ne faisait guère de commerce au-dehors.... Les Egyptiens furent si peu jaloux du commerce du dehors qu'ils laissèrent celui de la mer rouge à toutes les petites nations qui y eurent quelque port.']

73. [If this doctrine as to the advantage of quick returns had been applied earlier in the chapter, it would have made havoc of the argument as to the superiority of agriculture.]

74. [The second part of this sentence is not in ed. 1.]

75. [Bk. iv.]

76. [Ed. 1 reads `belong'.]

77. [But why may not the labour be diverted to the production of 'something for which there is a demand at home'? The 'corn, woollens and hardware' immediately below perhaps suggest that it is supposed the country has certain physical characteristics which compel its inhabitants to produce particular commodities.]

78. [Below, vol. ii., p. 41. The figures 96,000 and 13,500 are given in the continuation of Anderson's Commerce, A.D. 1775, ed. of 1801, vol. iv., p. 187.]

Book III, Chapter I

1. [The error that agriculture produces substances and manufacture only alters them is doubtless at the bottom of much of the support gained by the theory of productive and unproductive labour].

2. [This passage, from the beginning of the paragraph, may well have been suggested by Cantillon, Essai, pp. 11-22.]

3. [Ed. 1 reads 'their'.]

4. [Ed. 1 reads 'considerable advantage that it should'.]

Book III, Chapter II

5. [Primogeniture and entails are censured as inimical to agriculture in Lectures, pp. 120, 124, 228.]

6. [Lectures, pp. 117-118.]

7. [Ed. 1 reads 'form'.]

8. [In Lectures, p. 123, the Roman origin of entails appears to be accepted.]

9. [This passage follows Lectures, p. 124, rather closely, reproducing even the repetition of 'absurd'.]

10. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'supposed to be'.]

11. [This remark follows Lectures p. 228. Cp. below, pp. 432, 433, 441.]

12. ['A small part of the West of Europe is the only portion of the globe that is free from slavery,' 'and is nothing in comparison with the vast continents where it still prevails.'—Lectures, p. 96.]

13. [Pliny, H. N., lib. xviii., cap. iv.; Columella, De re rustica, lib. i., præfatio.]

14. [Politics, 1265a.]

15. [Raynal, Histoire philosophique (Amsterdam ed.), tom. vi., pp. 368-388.]

16. [Above, p. 176; Lectures, p. 225.]

17. [Ibid., pp. 100, 101.]

18. [Raynal, Histoire philosophique (Amsterdam ed.), tom. i., p. 12. In Lectures, pp. 101, 102, Innocent III. appears in error for Alexander III.]

19. [Probably Quesnay's estimate; cp. his article on 'Fermiers' in the Encyclopédie, printed in his Œuvres, ed. Oncken, 1888, pp. 160, 171.]

20. [Garnier is certainly wrong in suggesting in his note, 'ce nom vient probablement de la manière dont ils étaient autrefois armés en guerre.'—Recherches, etc., tom. ii., p. 428. 'Bow' is the farming stock; 'steel' is said to indicate the nature of the contract, eisern vieh and bestia ferri are quoted as parallels by Cosmo Innes, Lectures on Scotch Legal Antiquities, 1872, pp. 245, 266.]

21. [Gilbert, Treatise of Tenures, 3rd ed., 1757, pp. 34 and 54; Blackstone, Commentaries, vol. ii., pp. 141, 142. The whole paragraph follows Lectures, p. 226, rather closely.]

22. [M. Bacon, New Abridgment of the Law, 3rd ed., 1768, vol. ii., p. 160, s.v. Ejectment: cp. Lectures, p. 227.]

23. [Blackstone, Commentaries, iii., 197.]

24. [Lectures, pp. 227-228.]

25. [Acts of 1449 c. 6, 'ordained for the safety and favour of the poor people that labours the ground.']

26. [10 Geo. III., c. 51.]

27. [Below, vol. ii., p. 199.]

28. [Lectures, pp. 226, 227.]

29. [20 Geo. II., c. 50, § 21.]

30. [Lectures p. 227.]

31. [Ed. 1 reads `that'.]

32. [Originally tenths and fifteenths of movable goods; subsequently fixed sums levied from the parishes, and raised by them like other local rates; see Cannan, History of Local Rates, 1896, pp. 13-14, 18-20, 22 note, 23 note.]

33. [Lectures, p. 226.]

34. [Essays on Husbandry (by Walter Harte), 1764, pp. 69-80.]

35. [Below, vol. ii., pp. 29-41.]

36. [Above, p. 167; Lectures, p. 229.]

Book III, Chapter III

37. [Lectures, p. 233.]

38. See Brady's historical treatise of Cities and Burroughs, p. 3 &c. [Robert Brady, Historical Treatise of Cities and Burghs or Boroughs, 2nd ed., 1711. See for the statements as to the position of townsmen and traders contained in these two paragraphs, esp. pp. 16, 18, and Appendix, p. 8. Cp Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. i., p. 205, where Domesday and Brady are both mentioned. The note appears first in ed. 2.]

39. [Ed. 1 does not contain `the'.]

40. See Madox Firma Burgi, [1726,] p. 18. also [Madox,] History [and Antiquities] of the Exchequer, chap. 10. sect. v. p. 223, first edition [1711. But the statement text above that the farm was in place of poll taxes is not supported by Firma Burgi, p. 251, where Madox says the 'yearly ferme of towns arose out of certain locata or demised things that yielded issues or profit,' e.g., assisted rents, pleas, perquisites, custom of goods, fairs, markets, stallage, aldermanries, tolls and wharfage. It was only if these fell short of the farm, that a direct contribution from the townsmen would be levied. The note appears first in ed. 2.]

41. [An instance is given in Firma Burgi, p. 21.]

42. See Madox Firma Burgi: See also Pfeffel in the remarkable events under Frederic II. and his successors of the house of Suabia. [This note appears first in ed. 2. In Pfeffel's Nouvel Abrégé chronologique de l'histoire et du droit public d'Allemagne, 1776, 'Evénements remarquables sous Frédéric II.' is a chapter heading, and subsequent chapters are headed in the same way. For the references to the power of the towns, see the index, s.v. Villes at the end of tom. i.]

43. [Lectures, p. 40.]

44. See Madox [Firma Burgi, pp. 35, 150. The note is not in ed. 1].

45. ['L'excommunication de Philippe I. et son inapplication aux affaires avaient presque ruiné toute son autorité en France.... Les plus puissants vassaux de France étaient devenus plus que jamais indociles à l'égard du souverain.... Louis le Gros, à qui Philippe son père avait abandonné la conduite de l'état sur les dernières années de sa vie, délibera avec les évêques du domaine royal, des moyens de remédier à ces maux, et imagina avec eux une nouvelle police pour la levée des troupes, et une nouvelle forme de justice dans les villes pour empêcher l'impunité des crimes.'—G. Daniel, Histoire de France, 1755, vol. iii., pp. 512-513. A description of the new institutions follows, pp. 513-14]

46. [Possibly Du Cange (who is referred to in the margin of Daniel, p. 514, and by Hume, History, ed. 1773, vol. ii., p. 118), Glossarium, s.v. Commune, communia, etc., 'Primus vero ejus modi Communias in Francia Ludov. VII. [? VI.] rex multiplicavit et auxit.']

47. See Pfeffel. [Reference above, p. 422 note. The note is not in ed. 1.]

48. [Ed. 1 places 'in those assemblies' here instead of in the line above; see p. 41.]

49. [Lectures, p. 40.]

50. ['The most signal and most durable monument of human folly that has yet appeared in any age or nation,' Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. i., p. 292; 'this universal frenzy,' ibid., p. 298, of ed. 1770, vol. i., p. 327, but in his 1st ed. Hume wrote 'universal madness'. ]

51. [Misprinted 'in' in ed. 5.]

52. [Ed. 1 reads `that were introduced into Venice in the beginning of'.]

53. See Sandi Istoria Civile de Vinezia, Part 2. vol. i. page 247, and 256. [Vettor Sandi, Principj di storia civile della Republica di Venezia, Venice, 1755. The pages should be 257, 258. This note and the three sentences in the text which the reference covers, from 'They were banished' to `three hundred workmen,' appear first in ed. 2.]

54. [Ed. 1 reads `being in'.]

55. [Ed. 1 reads `seems'.]

56. [Ed. 1 (beginning six lines above), `When the Venetian manufacture flourished there was not a mulberry tree, nor consequently a silkworm, in all Lombardy. They brought the materials from Sicily and from the Levant, the manufacture itself being in imitation of those carried on in the Greek empire. Mulberry trees were first plants in Lombardy in the beginning of the sixteenth century, by the encouragement of Ludovico Sforza, Duke of Milan.']

Book III, Chapter IV

57. [Above, p. 410.]

58. [`Of Commerce' and 'Of Luxury' in Political Discourses, 1752, and History, ed. of 1773, vol. iii., p. 400.]

59. [Evidently from Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. i., p. 384.]

60. ['No less than 30,000 persons are said to have daily lived at his board in the different manors and castles which he possessed in England.'—Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. iii., p. 182. In Lectures, p. 42, it had been '40,000 people besides tenants'.]

61. ['An Arab prince will often dine in the street, before his door, and call to all that pass, even beggars, in the usual expression, Bismillah, that is, In the name of God; who come and sit down, and when they have done, give their Hamdellilah, that is God be praised. For the Arabs are great levellers, put everybody on a footing with them; and it is by such generosity and hospitality that they maintain their interest.'—Richard Pococke, Description of the East, 1743, vol. i., p. 183.]

62. [Eds. 1 and 2 read 'appears'.]

63. [Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. i., p. 224.]

64. ['The Highlands of Scotland have long been entitled by law to every privilege of British subjects; but it was not till very lately that the common people could in fact enjoy those privileges.—Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. i., p. 214. Cp. Lectures, p. 116.]

65. [Lectures, pp. 38, 39.]

66. [Hume, History, ed. of 1773, vol. iii., p. 400; vol. v., p. 488.]

67. [Histoire généalogique des Tatars traduite du manuscript Tartare D'Abulgasi-Bayadur-chan et enrichie d'un grand nombre de remarques authentiques et très curieuses sur le véritable estat present de l'Asie, septentrionale avec lei cartes géographiques nécessaires, par D., Leyden, 1726. The preface says some Swedish officers imprisoned in Siberia had it translated into Russian and then retranslated it themselves into various other languages.]

68. [Above, p. 79, note.]

69. [Ed. 5 omits `who' by a misprint.]

70. [Eds. 2-5 read `with all,' doubtless a corruption.]

71. [Cp. above, p. 411.]

72. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'thither'.]

73. [Ed. 1 does not contain 'the".]

74. [18 Car. II., c. 2.]

75. [32 Geo. II., c. 11, § 1; 5 Geo. III., c. 10; 12 Geo. III., c. 2.]

76. [Below, pp. 480-484. and vol. ii., pp. 29-52.]

77. [It seems likely that Charles VIII. is here (though not on the next page) confused with Charles of Anjou, brother of St. Louis. At any rate Hénault (who is quoted below, p. 122) says: 'Notre marine aussitôt détruite que créée sous Philippe Auguste, s'était bien rétablie sous S. Louis si, comme le dit un historien, ce prince embarqua soixante-mille hommes à Aigues-mortes. . . quant à la première expédition, Joinville dit qu'au départ de Chypre pour la conquête de Damiette, il y avait dix-huit cents vaisseaux tant grands que petits. S. Louis avait aussi mis en mer une flotte considérable pour défendre les côtes de Poitou contre la flotte de Henri III., et son frère Charles d'Anjou en avait une de quatre-vingts voiles, composée de galères et de vaisseaux, lors de son expédition de Naples.'—Nouvel Abrégé chronologique de l'histoire de France, 1768, tom. i., p. 201, A.D. 1299. This puts the French marine 200 years earlier.]

78. ['Perché ridotta tutta in somma pace a tranquillità, coltivata non meno ne' luoghi pił montuosi, a pił sterili, che nelle pianure, e regioni sue pił fertili, nè sottoposta ad altro Imperio, che de' suoi medesimi, non solo era abbondantissima d'abitatori, e di richezze.'—Guicciardini, Della Istoria d'Italia, Venice, 1738, vol. i., p. 2.]

End of Notes for Books II and III.

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