The Political Writings of Richard Cobden

Richard Cobden
Cobden, Richard
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F. W. Chesson, ed.
First Pub. Date
London: T. Fisher Unwin
Pub. Date
Collected essays, 1835-1862. First published as a collection in 1867. 4th edition. Includes Preface by Lord Welby; Introductions by Sir Louis Mallet and William Cullen Bryant.

1. [1] "Though in a future age it will probably become difficult to persuade some nations that any human two-legged creature could ever embrace such principles. And it is a thousand to one but those nations themselves shall have something fully as absurd in their own creed, to which they will give a most implicit consent."

2. [2] [Mr. Urquhart, formerly Secretary of the English Embassy at Constantinople.]

3. [3] Official value.

4. [4] Sir Matthew Decker.

5. [5] It would be amusing, and full of romantic interest, to detail some of the ten thousand justifiable arts invented to thwart this unnatural coalition, which, of necessity, converted almost every citizen of Europe into a smuggler. Bourrienne, who was himself one of the commissioners at Hamburgh, gives some interesting anecdotes in his "Memoirs" under this head. This writer is acquainted with a merchant who was interested in a house that employed five hundred horses in transporting British goods, many of which were landed in Sclavonia, and thence conveyed overland to France, at a charge of about £28 a cwt.—more than fifty times the present freight of merchandise from London to Calcutta!

6. [6] M'Culloch's Dict., 2nd Edit., p. 671.

7. [7] [This prohibition does not now exist.]

8. [8] Chateaubriand.

9. [9] Macfarlane's Turkey.

10. [10] [These monopolies have, of course, long since been abolished.]

11. [11] [The charges for army, navy, and ordnance, for the year 1865, amounted to £25,280,925.]

12. [12] M'Culloch's Dictionary, p. 858; a work of unrivalled labour and usefulness, which ought to have a place in the library of every merchant or reader who feels interested in the commerce and statistics of the world. We will quote from another part this valuable work, the opinion of the author upon the influences of Russian sway in this quarter:—"On the whole, however, a gradual improvement is taking place; and whatever objections may, on other grounds, be made to be encroachments of Russia in this quarter, there can be no doubt that, by introducing comparative security and good order into the countries under her authority, she has materially improved their condition, and accelerated their progress to a more advanced state."—P. 1108.

13. [13] We here give an extract from the correspondence of a London morning paper, upon the affairs of Greece, that is illustrative of the case in hand:—

"Nauplia, Nov. 28, 1834.—If we (the English people) had not been paying for fleets, destroyers of fleets, protocols, loans, extraordinary ambassadors, presidents, couriers, subsidies, &c., in the Levant, we might not have been surprised at the present state of things. But taking into account the talents of Palmerston and S. Canning, and the straightforward, open, John Bull policy of their agent here, really it is wonderful how they can have allowed the other powers to have made such a mess of the business. But the worst part of the affairs is, that things are quite as complicated now as they were a week after the breaking out of the Revolution. Here we have a fleet reaching from Gibraltar to the Dardanelles—here we have the Russians as busy as ever—and here we have not the proceeds of the loan which our (the British) Government has guaranteed, nor have we a revenue that will pay the interest of it." Amusingly enough, we find, in another column of the very same copy of the same journal, a letter from its correspondent, dated at Constantinople, Nov. 25, from which the following is extracted:—"Now is the time to step forward; a cracking south-wester and a bold front are all that would be wanted; and our ships once at anchor in the Bosphorus, adieu to the ambitious views of Russia! They would burst like a child's bubble. Adieu to the stupid notions about the inevitable dissolution of Turkey. Adieu to the accursed treaty which binds lovely Turkey to a remorseless ravager! * * * One of her vain finesses is now visible in Austria, where a hired press would make the world believe that Austria is seriously opposed to Russian schemes. It does not require a very long or sharp look-out to see that the two absolute governments are acting in collusion. * * * It is a pretty manœuvre to lead us from the real point of attack—a mere feint; we must pay no attention to it, but direct all our strength and energy to the true point, Constantinople; that Constantinople which, once in Russia's hands, becomes the mistress of Europe."

14. [14] Extract from a London paper, October 22, 1834:—"As at home, so abroad; the Whigs have failed in all their negotiations, and not one question have they settled, except the passing of a Reform Bill and a Poor Law Bill. The Dutch question is undecided; the French are still at Ancona; Don Carlos is fighting in Spain; Don Miguel and his adherents are preparing for a new conflict in Portugal; Turkey and Egypt are at daggers drawn; Switzerland is quarrelling with her neighbouring states about Italian refugees; Frankfort is occupied by Prussian troops, in violation of the treaty of Vienna; Algiers is being made a large French colony, in violation of the promises made to the contrary by France in 1829 and 1830; ten thousand polish nobles are still proscribed and wandering in Europe; French goals are full of political offenders, who, when liberated or acquitted, will begin again to conspire. In one word, nothing is terminated." It is plain that, if this writer had his will, the whigs would leave nothing in the world for Providence to attend to.

15. [15] Since writing this, the death of the Emperor of Austria is announced.

16. [16] Lest it might be said that we are advocating Russian objects of ambition, we think it necessary to observe, that we trust the entire spirit of this pamphlet will show that we are not of Russian politics. Our sole aim is the just interests of England, regardless of the objects of other nations.

Volume I, Part I, Essay II

17. [17] "And sure it is yet a most beautiful and sweet country as any is under heaven, being stored throughout with many goodly rivers, replenished with all sorts of fish most abundantly, sprinkled with many very sweet islands and goodly lakes, like inland seas that will carry even shippes upon their waters; adorned with goodly woods, even fit for building of houses and shippes so commodiously, as that, if some princes in the world had them, they would soon hope to be lords of all the seas, of all the world; also full of very good ports and havens opening upon England, as inviting us to come into them, to see what excellent commodities that country can afford; besides, the soyle itselfe fit to yeeld all kinde of fruit that shall be committed thereunto . And lastly, the heavens most mild and temperate, though somewhat more moist than the parts towards the east."—Spenser.

18. [18] Dundee.

19. [19] Appenzell, St. Gall, and Aargau.

20. [20] "In no country is there more bigotry and superstition among the lower orders, or more blind obedience to the priesthood; in no country is there so much intolerance and zeal among the ministers of religion. I do believe, that at this moment Catholic Ireland is more rife for the re-establishment of the Inquisition than any other country in Europe."—Inglis' Travels in Ireland. See the same traveller's description of Patrick's Purgatory, Loch Dergh. It adds weight to the testimony of this writer upon such a subject, when it is recollected that he is the author of "Travels in Spain."

21. [21] In the United States a Jew can hold all offices of State; he may by law become the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Chief Justice, or even President. An American naval commander of the Hebrew faith was, upon one occasion, introduced to George IV.

22. [22] STATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN IRELAND ON THE 1ST NOVEMBER, 1834. (From the United Service Journal.) Those marked thus * are depots of Regiments. 3rd Dragoon Guards, Dublin; 4th Dragoon Guards, Cork; 7th Dragoon Guards, Limerick; 9th Lancers, Newbridge; 10th Hussars, Dundalk; 14th Light Dragoons, Longford; 15th Hussars, Dublin; 3rd Battalion Grenadier Guards, Dublin; 1st Foot, 1st Battalion, Londonderry;* 2nd Battalion, Athlone; 7th, Drogheda;* 9th, Youghal;* 14th, Mullingar; 18th, Limerick; 24th, Kinsale;* 25th, Armagh;* 27th, Dublin; 29th, Kinsale;* 30th, Clonmel;* 43rd, Cork; 46th, Dublin; 47th Foot, Boyle;* 52nd, Enniskillen; 56th, Cork;* 60th, Nenagh; 2nd Battalion, Kilkenny; 67th, Cashel;* 69th, Clare Castle;* 70th, Cork;* 74th, Belfast; 76th, Boyle;* 81st, Dublin; 82nd, Belfast; 83rd, Newry; 85th, Galway; 89th, Fermoy; 90th, Nass; 91st, Birr; 94th, Cork; 95th, Templemore; 96th, Kinsale. Here is an array of bayonets that renders it difficult to believe that Ireland is other than a recently conquered territory, throughout which an enemy's army has just distributed its encampments. Four times as many soldiers as comprise the standing army of the United States are at this time quartered in Ireland!

23. [23] Dr. Clarke tells us that the serfs of Russia, when old, are of right supported by the owners of the estate.

24. [24] In the Koran, the charities are enjoined: and Tournefort tells us—"There are no beggars to be seen in Turkey, because they take care to prevent the unfortunate from falling into such necessities. They visit the prisons to discharge those who are arrested for debt; they are very careful to relieve persons who are bashfully ashamed of their poverty. How many families may one find who have been ruined by fires, and are restored by charities! They need only present themselves at the doors of the mosques. They also go to their houses to comfort the afflicted. The diseased, and they who have the pestilence, are succoured by the neighbours' purse."—Vol. ii., p. 59. The Bible still more strictly commands charity, and—see Inglis' Ireland!

25. [25] In alluding to this eminent, and we fervently believe disinterestedly patriotic, individual, we have no wish to be thought to have caught the contagion of that virulence with which, perhaps from the unworthiest of motives, his character has been latterly assailed. We feel no very great respect for mere eloquence, which, from the time of Demosthenes down to that of the subject of these remarks, has, probably, as often been sacrificed at the altar of falsehood as upon the purer shrine of truth. But Lord Brougham's labours on behalf of popular intelligence, at a time, too, be it always remembered, when the cause of education was not, as now, fashionable, places his fame on a monument that is based securely upon the broad and durable interests of the people.

At the very instant of penning this note, we have seen the report of a speech made by Lord Brougham in the House of Lords upon the subject of foreign politics, from which we subjoin an extract, illustrating how little the judgment of this nobleman has profited by the interval since 1823 upon a question on which, unluckily for England, her statesmen have, one and all, been alike infatuated:—"With regard to the change of the sovereign in Austria, he could not avoid expressing his hope that His Majesty's Government would seize upon the opportunity offered by the change of the reigning Sovereign there, and enforce, what he knew their predecessors had tried to enforce (!), the humane, and in his conscience he believed the sound, prudent, and politic course, as regarded the individual interest of the Austrian government, imposed upon the government of His Imperial Majesty, to mitigate the rigours, if not to terminate the sufferings, that, for nearly the whole of the last seventeen years, had been inflicted upon some of the ablest, most accomplished, virtuous, and enlightened individuals, the ornaments of the nobility of a part of His Imperial Majesty's dominions. He hoped that an occasion would be taken of enforcing this subject on the attention of the Austrian government, in a manner that became the character, the policy, and the wisdom (!) of this country; for he was convinced." &c.—Morning Chronicle Report, March 11th, 1835.

The circumstances under which the above was uttered were even still more inopportune than those we alluded to of 1823.

Under the same roof—at the very same instant of time in which an interference with the domestic concerns of a capital nearly a thousand miles distant, and with which we have scarcely more interested connection than with Timbuctoo, was thus invoked—a debate was proceeding in the House of Commons (the malt question), in which it was stated, by several speakers, that three fourths of the population of this kingdom are plunged in distress and poverty; and in the course of which the Chancellor of the Exchequer declared that he possessed not the power of alleviating such misery; whilst such was the extremity to which this minister of the crown as driven, that he felt impelled to appeal to the honesty of a British Parliament in behalf of the national creditor.

26. [26] In June, 1819, a steamship crossed the Atlantic from Savannah to Liverpool.

27. [27] [In 1858, when the Earl of Eglinton was Lord Lieutenant, the first Irish Trans-Atlantic packet station was established at Galway; and in about a year later Cork was made a port of call for the Inman steamships, and subsequently for the Cunard line.]

28. [28] [On June 21st, 1864, the Secretary of Ireland stated that in 1854 there were 151,403 acres under flax cultivation; in 1863, 214,063 acres; and in 1864 about 300,000 acres.]

29. [29] The barbarities committed in Ireland as frequently spring out of feuds arising from the competition after land as from disputes upon the question of tithes.

30. [30] When, at the commencement of the last century, a commission of the most intelligent merchants of Holland drew up, at the request of the Government, a statement of the causes of the commercial prosperity of that country, they placed the following words first in the list of "moral causes,":—"Among the moral and political causes are to be placed—The unalterable maxim and fundamental law relating to the free exercise of different religions; and always to consider this toleration and connivance as the most effectual means to draw foreigners from adjacent countries to settle and reside here, and so become instrumental to the peopling of these provinces."

31. [31] At the last sitting of the Belgian Chambers, a sum of £400 was voted towards the support of the English chapel; and a similar amount was granted for the service of the Jewish faith.

32. [32] "In planting of religion, thus much is needful to be done—that it be not sought forcibly to be impressed into them with terror and sharpe penalties, as now is the manner, but rather delivered and intimated with mildness and gentlenesse, so as it may not be hated before it be understood, and their professors despised and rejected. And therefore it is expedient, that some discreete ministers of their owne countrymen be first sent over amongst them, which, by their meeke persuasions and instructions, as also by their sober lives and conversations, may draw them first to understand, and afterwards to imbrace the doctrine of their salvation; for if that the auncient godly fathers which first converted them, when they were infidells, to the faith, were able to pull them from idolatry and paganisme to the true belief in Christ, as St. Patrick and St. Colomb, how much more easily shall godly teachers bring them to the true understanding of that which they already professed? Wherein is the great wonder to see the oddes that is betweene the zeale of Popish priests and the ministers of the gospell; for they spare not to come out of Spaine, from Rome, and from Remes, by long toyle and dangerous travayling hither, where they know perill of death awayteth them, and no reward or riches is to be found, only to draw the people unto the Church of Rome. Whereas some of our idle ministers, having a way for credite and estimation thereby opened unto them, and having the livings of the country offered unto them, without peines and without perile, will neither for the same nor any love of God nor zeale of religion, nor for all the good they may doe by winning soules to God, bee drawne foorth from their warme nestes to look out into God's harvest, which is even ready for the sickle and all the fields yellow long ago; doubtless those good olde godly fathers will (I fear mee) rise up in the day of judgement to condemne them."—Spenser.

Volume I, Part I, Essay III

33. [33]

"Who could their Sovereign, in their purse, forget,
And break allegiance but to cancel debt."—Moore.

34. [34] An instance of this nature has come to our own knowledge. A gentleman presented to the Lincoln Mechanics' Institution a copy of Stuart's work on America (probably the best, because the most matter-of-fact and impartial of all the writers upon that country), which an influential and wealthy individual of the neighbourhood, one of the patrons of the society, induced the committee to reject. We do not feel intolerant towards these errors of judgment, the fruits of ignorance or a faulty education. The only wonder is, in this instance, to find such a character so out of his element as to be supporting a Mechanics' Institute at all!

35. [35] The total amount of cotton worked up in this country in 1832 was 277,260,490 lbs., of which no less a proportion than 212,313,690 lbs, was imported from the United States.

36. [36] [According to the census of 1860, the population of the United States was 31,676,267.]

37. [37] [The population of the United Kingdom in 1861 was 29,346,834.]

38. [38] Bearing in mind that two millions of the American population are negroes, it makes the commerce decidedly in favour of the United States.

39. [39] Another fanciful theory upon the subject of the debt, invented, we believe, by Coleridge (it must have been by a poet, for the consolation of less ideal minds), has been lately promulgated. We are told that the country is none the worse off for the national debt, because it is all owing to Englishmen; and that, therefore, it is only like drawing off the blood from one part of the body to inject it into another vein—it is still all in the system. We feel sorry to molest so comfortable an illusion.

But does it made no difference in what manner the outlay is invested—whether eight hundred millions of capital be sunk in the depths of the sea, or put out to good interest? Is there no difference between such a sum being thrown away, destroyed, annihilated, in devastating foreign countries, whilst the nation is called upon, out of its remaining capital, and with its gratuitous labour, to pay the interest—and the like amount being employed in making canals, railways, roads, bridges, drains, docks, &c.; planting trees, educating the people, or in any other may in which it would return its own interest of capital?

40. [40] We believe, almost incredible as the fact is even to ourselves, that the British naval commissioned officers exceed, by upwards of a thousand, the whole number of the men and officers of the American navy. A comment of a similar tenor, applied to the army of England, is to be found in a following page.

Yet we are in the twentieth year of peace, and every King's speech assures us of the friendly disposition of all foreign powers!

41. [41] Upon what principle of justice are the people of these realms subjected to the whole expense of attempting to put down the slave trade? We say attempting, because it is well known that the traffic is carried on as actively as ever; and, during the last year, the number of negroes conveyed away from the shores of Africa has been estimated at twenty thousand. Here is a horrid trade, which will entail a dismal reckoning, at the hands of Providence, upon the future generations of those countries that encourage it! But by what right, by what credentials from on high, does England lay claim to the expensive and vain office of keeping all mankind within the pale of honesty?

42. [42] These statements refer to the ships in commission. Our navy comprises about six hundred vessels of all sizes and in all conditions. The whole American naval force consists of seventy ships. Yet Sir James Graham, when bringing forward our navy estimates for 1833, actually made use of this comparison to justify our force. So much for the usefulness of that which is called dexterity in debate!

43. [43] "The railroads, which were partly finished, partly in progress, at the time when I visited the United States, were as follow:—

Baltimore and Ohio (from Baltimore and Pittsburgh)... 250
Massachusetts (from Boston to Albany)... 200
Catskill to Ithaca (State of New York)... 167
Charleston to Hamburgh (South Carolina)... 135
Boston and Brattleboro' (Massachusetts and Vermont)... 114
Albany and New York... 160
Columbia and Philadelphia (from Philadelphia to New York)... 96
Lexington and Ohio (from Lexington to Cincinnati)... 75
Camden and Amboy (New Jersey)... 60
Baltimore and Susquehanna (Maryland)... 48
Boston and Providence (Massachusetts and Rhode Island) 43
Trenton and Philadelphia... 30
Providence and Stonington... 70
Baltimore and Washington... 38
Holliday's Burgh and Johnstown (Pennsylvania)... 37
Ithaca and Oswego (New York)... 28
Hudson and Berkshire (New York and Massachusetts)... 25
Boston and Lowell (Massachusetts)... 24
Senectady and Saratoga (New York)... 21½
Mohawk and Hudson (New York)... 15
Lackawaxen (from Honesdale to Carbondale, Pennsylvania)... 17
Frenchtown to Newcastle (Delaware and Maryland)... 16
Philadelphia and Norristown (Pennsylvania)... 15
Richmond and Chesterfield (Virginia)... 12
Manch Chunk (Pennsylvania)... 9
Haarlem (from New York to Haarlem)... 8
Quincey (from Boston to Quincey)... 6
New Orleans (from Lake Pontchartrain to Orleans)...

The extent of the railroads forms an aggregate of one thousand seven hundred and fifty miles. Ten years hence this amount of miles will probably be doubled or trebled; so that scarcely any other roads will be used than those on which steam-carriages may travel."—Arfwedson's Travels in 1834. [Note to the Sixth Edition of "England, Ireland, and America."]

[It may be stated on the authority of Mr. Robert H. Berdell, President of the Erie Railway Company, that thirty-five thousand miles of railway are now in operation in the United States, and that nearly three thousand millions of dollars are invested in these gigantic enterprises.]

44. [44] By Amos Lay.

45. [45] [Mr. Bright, in the speech which he delivered at Birmingham on the 13th December, 1865, said:—"I have just seen a report of a speech delivered last night by Mr. Watkin, who has recently returned from the United States. Speaking of education, he says that, taking the nine Northern States to contain ten millions and a half of people, he found there were 40,000 schools, and an average attendance of 2,133,000 children, the total cost of their education being 9,000,000 dols. In the four Western States, with a population of 6,100,000, there are 37,000 schools, with an average attendance of nearly one million and a half scholars, at a cost of 1,250,000 dols. Thus, in a population of sixteen millions, there are 77,000 schools, to which every poor child can go, at a cost of £ 2,000,000 a year. He thought this highly to the credit of our American cousins, and I perfectly agree with him on that point."]

46. [46] [This was written before the date of the education movement, in which Mr. Cobden from an early period took a conspicuous part. According to the last Report of the committee of Council on Education, the sum of £8,087,296 1s. 11d. has been expended on Parliamentary grants from 1839 to 31st December, 1864. "The expenditure rom Education grants," in the latter year, amounted to £655,041 11s. 5d.]

47. [47] [The census of 1860 states that 4,051 newspapers and periodicals were then published in the United States, of which 3,242 were political, the remainder being devoted to religion and literature. The annual aggregate circulation of copies was estimated at 927,951,548.]

48. [48] [From "Mitchell's Newspaper Directory" for 1865 it appears that 1,271 journals are now published in the United Kingdom, exclusive of 554 Reviews and Magazines. There are no trustworthy statistics of the circulation of these publications.]

49. [49] There is scarcely a large town in England whose prosperity and improvement are not vitally affected by the operation of our laws of entail. In the vicinity of Manchester scarcely any freehold land can be bought; Birmingham is almost wholly built upon leasehold land; Wolverhampton has long been presenting a dilapidated aspect, in the best part of the town, in consequence of the property required for improvement being in the hands of the Church, and consequently inalienable. In many parts, manufactures are, from the like obstructing causes, prevented extending themselves over our coal-beds. The neighbourhood of Bullock Smithy might be instanced, for example.

50. [50] It would form an instructive summary to collect from our parliamentary history, for the last three hundred years, details of the time spent in the vain endeavour to make conscience square with Acts of Parliament.—See the debates in both Houses on Ireland in 1832 and 1833, for examples.

51. [51] It is not uncommon to find two thousand advertisements, principally of merchandise, contained in a single copy of a New York journal. We have counted no less than one hundred and seventy announcements in one column or compartment of the New York Gazette. Of course the crowded aspect of one of these sheets, in comparison with a London newspaper, is as different as is one of the latter in contrast with a Salisbury or any other provincial journal.

52. [52] We mean individually and nationally, As individuals, because, in our opinion, the people that are the best educated must, morally and religiously speaking, be the best. As a nation, because it is the only great community that has never waged war excepting in absolute self-defence—the only one which has never made a conquest of territory by force of arms (contrast the conduct of this government to the native Indians on the Mississippi, with our treatment of the aborigines on the Swan River); because it is the only nation whose government has never had occasion to employ the army to defend it against the people; the only one which has never had one of its citizens convicted of treason; and because it is the only country that has honourably discharged its public debt.

The slavery deformity was forcibly impressed upon this people in its infancy by the mother country. May the present generation outgrow the blemish.

53. [53] A diverting specimen of aristocracy in low life is to be found in an amusing little volume, called, "Mornings at Bow Street." A chimney-sweep, who had married the daughter of a costermonger, against the latter's consent, applied to the magistrate for a warrant to recover the person of his wife, who had been taken away from him by her father. The father did not object to the character of the husband, but protested against the connection as being "so low,"

54. [54] Basil Hall's spending class.

55. [55] Pitt.

56. [56] Nelson, Lady Hamilton, Prince Caraccioli.

57. [57] We have the testimony of the Leeds manufacturers, in their evidence before the legislature, that foreign wools are absolutely indispensable to our Yorkshire industry.

58. [58] To avoid exaggeration, we have named a lower average than we are entitled to quote.

59. [59] Here let us remark, in reference to the absurdest of all absurd chimeras with which we haun ourselves, of this empire being in danger from the assaults of Russia—that we are convinced there is, at this moment, ten thousand times more cause of apprehension from the financial evils of Great Britain than from all the powers of the world.

60. [60] [Mr. Cobden soon afterwards acknowledged his error. See Prentice's History of the League, vol. i., p. 194.]

61. [61] It is estimated that our annual loss on corn alone is nine millions.

62. [62] Wastrel, in Lancashire phrase, an idle, debauched, and worthless spend-thrift—a word that may be useful in London.

Volume I, Part II, Essay I

1. [1] "When once Persia fell under the yoke of Russia, one great obstacle to the acquirement of that which constituted our possessions in the East would be removed. He hoped that its success would be impossible—it was at least problematical; but this, at all events, was in no degree doubtful, that the matter was very seriously entertained at St. Petersburg. In the War Office there, maps and plans, drawn expressly for the purpose, were deposited, showing not only the practicability of such a scheme of aggrandisement, but the various modes in which it might be best carried into effect, and the way the several military stations necessary for the purpose might be established."—Lord Dudley Stuart's Speech, House of Commons, Feb. 19, 1836.

2. [2] [Mr. David Urquhart.]

3. [3] We state these facts from personal knowledge.

4. [4] Willis—"Pencillings by the Way."

5. [5] Quin—"Voyage down the Danube."

6. [6] "Present State of Turkey.

7. [7] Boats may, we are told, go from St. Petersburg to the Caspian Sea without unloading.

8. [8] A silver rouble is about 3s. 2d.

9. [9] Some people contend that our colonies are profitable to us because they consume our manufactures, although it is notorious that they do not buy a single commodity from us which they could procure cheaper elsewhere, whilst we take frequently articles from them of an inferior quality and at a dearer rate than we could purchase at from other countries. But what do the advocates of the present system say to the fact, that we are at this moment paying thirty per cent. more for the colonial productions consumed in our houses than is paid for similar articles, procured from our own colonies, too, by the people of the Continent? A workman in London, an artisan in Manchester, or a farmer of Wales, buys his Jamaica sugar and coffee thirty per cent. dearer than the native of Switzerland or America, perhaps five hundred miles distant from a port, and whose Governments never owned a colony! But, it will be said, this is necessary taxation to meet the interest of the debt. And what have we to show for the national debt but our colonies?

10. [10] The amount of our exports of cotton goods, of which industry Manchester is the centre, is double that of the exports of every kind from all the Russian empire; the shipping entering Liverpool annually exceeds the tonnage of St.Petersburg eightfold! These facts, which we can only thus allude to with epigrammatic brevity, convey forcibly to the reflecting mind an impression of the mighty influence which now slumbers in the possession of the commercial and manufacturing portions of the community; how little they understand the extent of their power may be acknowledged, when we recollect that this great and independent order of society (for the manufacturing interest of England is, from the nature of its position with reference to foreign states, more independent of British agriculture than the latter is of it), is deprived of the just reward of its ingenious labour by the tyranny of the corn-laws; that it possesses no representation, and consequently no direct influence, in one of the Houses of Parliament—the members of which, to a man, are interested in the manufacture and high price of food—and that it still lies under the stigma of feudal laws, that confer rights, privileges, and exemptions upon landed possessions, which are denied to personal property.

11. [11] Since the publication of "England, Ireland, and America," the author has had an opportunity of visiting the United States, and of taking a hasty glance of the American people; and his ocular experience of the country has confirmed him in the views he put forth in that pamphlet. Looking to the natural endowments of the North American continent—as superior to Europe as the latter is to Africa—with an almost immeasurable extent of river navigation—its boundless expanse of the most fertile soil in the world, and its inexhaustible mines of coal, iron, lead, &c.—looking at these, and remembering the quality and position of a people universally instructed and perfectly free, and possessing, as a consequence of these, a new-born energy and vitality very far surpassing the character of any nation of the old world—the writer reiterates the moral of his former work, by declaring his conviction that it is from the west, rather than from the east, that danger to the supremacy of Great Britain is to be apprehended; that it is from the silent and peaceful rivalry of American commerce, the growth of its manufactures, its rapid progress in internal improvements, the superior education of its people, and their economical and pacific government—that it is from these, and not from the barbarous policy or the impoverishing armaments of Russia, that the grandeur of our commercial and national prosperity is endangered. And the writer stakes his reputation upon the prediction, that, in less than twenty years, this will be the sentiment of the people of England generally; and that the same conviction will be forced upon the Government of the country.

The writer has been surprised at the little knowledge that exists here with respect to the mineral resources of America. Few are aware that in nothing does that country surpass Europe so much as in its rich beds of coal. By a Government survey of the State of Pennsylvania, it appears that it contains twenty thousand square miles of coal, with iron in proportion. This in one State only! Whilst the whole of the Mississippi valley is more or less enriched with this invaluable combustible. Several of his neighbours have been astonished by the inspection of a specimen of bituminous coal, which the writer procured from a pit at Brownsville, on the Monongahela river, above Pittsburg, and which is pronounced equal to the very best qualities produced from the mines in Yorkshire. The mode of working the pits is to drive an adit into the sloping banks of the navigable rivers, and, at a few yards distance, the coal stratum is usually found, six feet in thickness; and, as the miner is always enabled to work in an upright posture, one man will frequently produce as much as 100 loads a-day. The steamboat in which the author went from Brownsville to Pittsburg stopped at one of those pit's mouths, and took in a supply of fuel, which was charged at the rate of about three farthings a bushel. These are facts which bear more directly upon the future destinies of this country than the marriages of crowned heads in Portugal, the movements of savage forces in Russia, and similar proceedings, to which we attach so much importance.

12. [12] Extract from Mr. T. Attwood's speech, House of Commons, July 9, 1833.—"The House will recollect that, for two centuries, Russia has been gradually encroaching upon the territories of all her neighbours; for the last 150 years her progress has been general on all sides—east, west, north, and south. A few years ago she attacked Sweden as seized upon Finland. Then she attacked Persia, and added some most important provinces to her empire in the south. Not content with this, she appropriated, in 1792, a great part of Poland; and it is but lately she has attacked Turkey. Thus, for years, she has gone on in her course of aggrandisement, in defiance of the laws of God and man!"—If for Sweden, Persia, and Poland, we substitute France, Spain, and Holland, and if, instead of Turkey, we put the Burmese Empire, how admirably the above description would apply to another nation, of whose unprofitable aggrandisements in Europe, Asia, Africa, and America Mr. Attwood may read a few particulars in Mr. Montgomery Martin's "History of the British Colonies"—five volumes, octavo!

13. [13] We allude to the nation—the epithet cannot be applied to his lordship.

14. [14] We speak after due investigation and calculation, and not at random, when we allege that England has acquired three times as much territory as Russia during the last century. The Cape is computed at half a million of square miles, Canada at half as much more, India and New Holland will be found each with an area almost as large as that of the cultivable portion of Europe; not to mention other acquisitions too numerous to be described within the limits of a pamphlet!

Progressive augmentation of the Russian Empire:—

  Sq. miles.Population.
At the accession of Peter I.... 1689, 2,980,000 15,000,000
At his death... 1725, 3,150,000 20,000,000
At the accession of Catherine II... 1763, 3,700,000 25,000,000
At her death... 1796, 3,850,000 36,000,000
At the death of Alexander... 1825, 4,250,000 58,000,000

Matle-Brun's Geography, vol. vi. p. 622.

15. [15] The policy of England has been aggressive at all times; but we are far from exulting in the fact of having always dealt the first blow, as Mr. Thomas Attwood, of Birmingham, would wish us to do, when he tells us, exultingly, in the House of Commons, whilst speaking of Russia—(See Mirror of parliament, 1833, p. 2874),—"We, the people of England, who have never known what fear is; who have been accustomed for seven hundred years to give a blow first, and to receive an apology afterwards; we, who have borne the British lion triumphant through every quarter of the world, and are now forced to submit to insults from this base and brutal, and this in reality weak power—a power which, from its mere physical force, contrives, like a great bully, to intimidate the moral strength of Europe!" Now, putting aside the exquisitely ludicrous charge of bullying, alleged against Russia by one who boasts, that, for seven hundred years, we have "struck the first blow," and which reminds us of the scene between Sir Anthony Absolute and his "insolent, impudent, overbearing" son, Jack: we have here a specimen of that sort of sentiment which horses or buffaloes, if they could make speeches, might very properly indulge in, but which is derogatory to the rank of reasoning beings, who possess intellectual faculties in lieu of hoofs and horns.

Mr. Attwood is an advocate for war and paper money—the curse and scourge of the working classes! What do the Birmingham mechanics say to the following picture of the effects of the last war upon the prosperity of their town? The same results would follow a like cause, should a war be entered into, to gratify their favourite representative.

Extract from Mr. Grey's (now Lord Grey) speech on the state of the nation, March 25, 1801.—See Hansard's Parliamentary History, vol. 35, p. 1064.

"I come now to speak of the internal state of the country. Two hundred and seventy millions have been added to our national debt, exclusive of imperial and other loans, and of the reduction effected by the sinking fund; and yet we are told, by the ex-ministers, that they leave the country in a flourishing situation! I ask any man whether, from diminished comforts or from positive distress, he does not feel this declaration an insult. Ask the ruined manufacturers of Yorkshire, Manchester, and Birmingham; ask the starving inhabitants of London and Westminster. In some parts of Yorkshire, formerly the most flourishing, it appears, from an authentic paper which I hold in my hand, that the poor-rates have increased from £522 to £6,000 a year; though the whole rack-rent of the parish does not exceed £5,600. In Birmingham, I know, from undoubted authority, there are near 11,000 persons who receive parochial relief, though the whole number of the inhabitants cannot exceed 80,000—and this of a town reckoned one of the most prosperous in England."

16. [16] Turkey.

17. [17] Yet there are perverse and purblind moralists, who can see proofs of God's interposition in every atrocious crime that happens, in its consequences, to carry some alloy of good; which merely proves that the great Ruler of the universe has, in spite of us, set His fiat against the predominancy of evil. A clergyman, we believe Dr. Buchanan, of high attainments and strict evangelical doctrines, who passed many years in India, proposed a prize essay, on his return to England, as to the probable designs of Providence in placing the Indian empire in the hands of Great Britain. This, from a contemporary of Warren Hastings, is little less blasphemous than the Te Deums sung by Catherine for the victories of Ismail and Warsaw.

18. [18] The Georgians.

19. [19] M'Culloch—Commercial Dictionary, 7, p. 1108.

20. [20] Encyclopædia Britannica, new edition, now publishing, vol. 6, p. 250—art. Caucasus.

21. [21] Yet the most active and persevering assailant of Russia, a writer to whom we alluded in the beginning of this pamphlet, does not scruple to invoke the aid of these hordes against their present rulers:—. "The Georgian provinces would instantly throw off the yoke; even the Wallachians, Moldavians, and Bessarabians, would join in the general impulse; the millions of brave and independent Circassians would pour across the Couban and spread over the Crimea—and where would Russia be?"—See Pamphlet, "England, France, Russia, and Turkey."

22. [22] The clergy, from being exempt from taxation, have become possessed of a third of the soil.

23. [23] Vol. vi. p. 499. Malte-Brun's Geography.

Volume I, Part II, Essay II

24. [24] "Never was this corruption of the state so fearful as here, where the nobility constituted the nation; and where morals alone had made the want of a constitution less perceptible. Everything, therefore, deteriorated. The time for awakening from this lethargy could not but come; but what a moment was it to be!"—Heeren's Manual, vol. i., p. 370. "By the constitution of 1791, which changed the government from an elective to a hereditary monarchy, all the privileged of the nobility were confirmed; some favours, though very small, were accorded to the peasants; these were slight, but more could not be granted without irritating the former nation, the nobility."—Heeren, vol. ii., p. 231.

25. [25] "Manual of the State Policy of Modern Europe," by Professor Heeren, vol. i., p. 262.

26. [26] Heeren, vol. i., pp. 191 and 192.

27. [27] Gibbon.

28. [28] "Histoire de l'Anarchie de Pologne et du Démembrement de cette République." Par C. Rublière. Paris: 1807. 4 vols. 8vo. The History of the Anarchy of Poland, in four volumes octavo!

29. [29] "The flame of religious discord was now added, and the Jesuits took care that the fire should not be extinguished."—Heeren, vol. i. p. 334.

30. [30] "The nation (the nobles) carefully guarded against any reforms, such as was taking place in Russia."—Heeren, vol. i. p. 328.

31. [31] "The whole of the lands are now alienable, and may be purchased by the peasants, and all other classes, except the Jews."—Jacob's Report to the Lords, 1826, p. 66.—This is the shameful exception in England!

32. [32] "Some rare instances of perseverance, industry, and temperance, are to be found; and, unfavourable as their circumstances may be for the creation of such habits, they are here attended by the usual correspondent results. Some few peasants have been enabled to purchase estates for themselves."—Jacob's Report, p. 66.

33. [33] Cabinet Cyclopædia—History of Poland, p. 269.

34. [34] "Wherever Russia extended her sovereignty, there prevailed overwhelming tyranny, grinding oppression, unblushing venality, odious corruption, treacherous espionages, spoliation, moral degradation, and slavery. (Hear, hear.) What good did Russia ever accomplish? It was said that she might civilise the barbarian Turks; he believed they would hear no more about that after the conduct of Russia towards Poland. The Poles did not, as the House well knew, rise until goaded into madness by a series of oppressions before unheard of; the country was watered by the tears of its inhabitants."—Lord Dudley Stuart's Speech, House of Commons, Feb, 19, 1836.

35. [35] Heeren, vol. ii. p. 231.

36. [36] Jacob's Report, p. 60

37. [37] The peasants joined, to a considerable extent, the standard of revolt; but this was to be expected in consequence of the influence necessarily exercised over them by the superior classes. Besides, patriotism or nationality is an instinctive virtue, that sometimes burns the brightest in the rudest and least reasoning minds; and its manifestation bears no proportion to the value of the possessions defended, or the object to be gained. The Russian serfs at Borodino, the Turkish slaves at Ismail, and the lazzaroni of Naples, fought for their masters and oppressors more obstinately than the free citizens of Paris or Washington did, at a subsequent period. in defence of those capitals.

38. [38] We cannot help alluding to the unfortunate natives of this country who are now seeking an asylum in England, and who belong entirely, we believe, to the class here referred to. Our allusion is to the system which sacrificed millions to hundreds of thousands, and not to persons, or even to generations of persons. Above all, we would except the unfortunate stranger that is now within our gates, imploring our help in a season of distress. In throwing himself upon our shores, the unhappy Pole evinced his generous belief that we would protect and succour him, and he will not discover that we want the power or the will to do either; nor will we wait to inquire whether he be peer or peasant. The bird that, to escape from the tyrant of the skies, flies trembling to the traveller's bosom is secure; base, indeed, would he be first to examine if his fluttering guest were a dove or a hawk. We cannot, however, approve of the lectures upon Polish history and literature, which have been delivered, in many parts of the kingdom, by some of these refugees. They convey erroneous pictures of the former condition of that country; glossing over the conduct of the nobles, and suppressing all mention of the miserable state of the serfs.

39. [39] See Appendix for extracts from history of Poland.

40. [40] The terms of abuse showered upon Nicholas in the British legislature are new in taste; and, we think, when applied to a potentate at peace with us, such epithets as monster, Herod, miscreant, &c., are not improvements upon the terms that we find in the earlier volumes of Hansard. In any case, would such language be honourable to the Parliament? Supposing a war should follow, is it dignified to precede hostilities with vituperative missiles? Spring and Langan set to with a better grace, by shaking hands at the scratch: the rules of the Fives-court had better be transcribed for the benefit of St. Stephen's. We are told, indeed, that it is a just manifestation of public opinion. We have heard similar expressions of opinion at Billingsgate and Clare Market, and have observe that they sometimes lead to blows, but never to conviction.

41. [41] "Russia, as honourable members must be well aware, was not at the least pains to disguise her dissatisfaction at the present state of affairs in the Peninsula; and with a frontier so far advanced as hers now was, could any man living doubt that she would very soon adopt plain modes of making that dissatisfaction felt? He repeated that, with a frontier so far advanced, Italy was not safe from her grasp, and Russia once established there the consequences to Austria must be tremendous. Russia was surrounding—was enveloping Austria. Turkey would soon fall a prey to her lust of extended dominion. Greece would be a mere province of Russia; indeed, already Greece was subjected to her influence, and she scarcely hesitated to menace France.... He would again say that the whole of the Prussian league was at the instigation of Russia, the former being the mere creature of the latter. When the present designs of Russia were accomplished, they would soon see how she was becoming jealous of Prussia, and a pretext would not be long wanting for the destruction of that instrument which the great northern power had used in erecting and confirming its own ascendancy. Prussia was prepared to do everything which Russia might dictate for the purpose of forwarding her designs; but she might fully anticipate this—that as soon as the plans of the Autocrat were matured, he would in a day (!) dismember and pull down his present allies, and after that Austria could not long resist. Then in another quarter of her great empire, let them only look at the advantages possessed by Russia. She had military stations within thirty miles of the western coast of Norway.... That country could furnish sailors inferior to none in the world, and the whole kingdom abounded with timber of the best quality. Russia would then become a naval power of the first order (!) and might be joined by the Americans or the Dutch to the manifest disadvantage of England." (!!)—Times, report of Lord Dudley Stuart's Speech, Feb. 19. 1836.

These sentiments appear to have been delivered with gravity, and listened to by the House of Commons without a smile!

42. [42] Regiments of peasants, who till that day had never seen war, and who still had no other uniform than their grey jackets, formed with the steadiness of veterans, crossed their brows, and having uttered their national exclamation, "Gospodee pomiloui nas!"—God have mercy upon us!—rushed into the thickest of the battle.—Scott's Napoleon, chap. 77.

43. [43] Spectator newspaper, No. 386.

44. [44] Unless his Muscovite Majesty should adopt this suggestion quickly, there appears some chance that England may be before him at Pekin. We perceive that some of our writers are anxious that we should send some ships of war to compel the Chinese Government to open other ports to our vessels besides Canton, and to dictate certain other regulations for carrying on trade with us, which they are good enough to suggest to his Celestial Majesty. Could not our ships of war call in on the way, and compel the French people to transfer the trade of Marseilles to Havre, and thus save us the carriage of their wines and madders through the Straits of Gibraltar? Why should not they force the Americans to restrict the export of their cotton to New York, rather than to suffer the growth of Savannah and Mobile? Well may the Chinese proclaim us "outside barbarians;" for, verily, this is outside barbarous morality!

45. [45] Double the amount might be raised without difficulty, upon sufficient security, in Manchester, in less than forty-eight hours, if the profit or other motive offered an adequate inducement.

46. [46] When the measures for conciliating the respective commercial interests of parties in the Irish Union were arranging, the opinion of practical men was taken as to the period at which the cotton manufacture of Ireland might be able to go on, in competition with that of England, without the help of protecting duties; and Mr. William Orr, of Dublin, who had introduced the manufacture into that country, was asked if he thought it likely that in ten years the Irish manufacturers would overtake the English in skill? Mr. Orr replied:—"Yes, if the English can be persuaded during that time to stand still."

47. [47] During the war between Russia and the Porte, in 1791, the Government of St. Petersburg, anxious to send a fleet to attack the Turkish power in the Archipelago, requested permission of the Dutch and English to be allowed to refit the vessels and take in stores at one of their ports; and failing in this application, the expedition was abandoned.

48. [48] "In large bodies the circulation of power must be less at the extremities: Nature herself has said it. The Truck cannot govern Egypt as he governs Thrace, nor has he the same dominion in the Crimea and Algiers which he has at Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster; the Sultan gets such obedience as he can; he governs with a loose reign that he may govern at all: it is the eternal law of extension and detached empire."—BURKE.

Volume I, Part II, Essay III

49. [49] That this spirit still survives in full vigour may be shown by the motion recently made in the House of Commons by Mr. T. Duncombe, for interceding with the French Government in behalf of the state prisoners at Ham. Prince Polignac and his confederates attempted, by their coup d' état, to deprive France of law, place the whole country in the hands of despots, and reduce it to the monkish ignorance of the middle ages, by giving again to priests and bigots the absolute power over the printing press. In this attempt they failed; but freedom conquered at the cost of hundreds of victims. In England, or any other country but France, those ministers would have suffered death. Yet, after five years of confinement, behold us interfering with the course of justice in an empire with whose internal concerns we are no more entitled to mix than with those of China!

Within a week of this display, a lad was transported from Macclesfield for fourteen years, for stealing a pair of stockings. We recommend this to our facetious Gallic neighbours as a fit opportunity for intervention: the mother should be induced to write her case to M.Odillon Barrot, or some other popular member of the Chamber of Deputies.

50. [50] The conquests of colonies have been regarded with some complacency because they are merely, in most instances, reprisals for previous depredations by the parent state; but England for fifty years at Gibraltar is a spectacle of brute violence unmitigated by any such excuses. Upon no principle of morality can this unique outrange upon the integrity of an ancient, powerful, and renowned nation, placed at a remote distance from our shores, be justified. The example, if imitated, instead of being shunned, universally, would throw all the nations of the earth into barbarous anarchy, and deprive mankind of the blessings of law, justice, and religion. It is time not only to think, but to speak, of these things in a spirit of honest truth. The people of this country—the middling and working classes—have no interest, as we shall by-and-by have to show, in these acts of unjust aggression and foreign violence. Alas for the cause of morals if they had!

51. [51] "Mankind, although reprobates in detail, are always moralists in the gross."—Montesquieu.

52. [52] The phrase was actually adopted by Napoleon! who told O'Meara, at St. Helena, that he refused to permit the Emperor Alexander to occupy the Dardanelles, because, if Russia were in possession of Turkey, the "balance of power" in Europe would be destroyed! Lord Dudley Stuart sees much to admire in this regard for the balance of power by one who had himself been in military occupation of all the principal states of Europe:—"But the profound views of that great man Napoleon, told him not to accede to either the demands or entreaties of Alexander; and, on that occasion, though he had invaded the Turkish empire himself, he saved it by refusing the passage of the Dardanelles to Russia; nay, he saved Europe itself."—Lord Stuart's Speech, February 19.

53. [53] Lord Bacon's political maxims are full of moral turpitude. "Nobody can," says he, in speaking of kingdoms and estates, "be healthful without exercise—neither natural body nor politic; and certainly to a kingdom or estate, a just and honourable war is the true exercise." Accordingly, just wars are necessary; and as there must be an opposite party to a just war, ergo, unjust wars are necessary! In speaking of kings, he calls them "mortal gods on earth." And, in his chapter on seditions and troubles, he gives many rules for governing and restraining, but not one for instructing the people. We speak of the moral sentiments of this great man distinctly from his intellectual powers.

54. [54] There appears to be one honourable member of the British legislature, and only one, who is an advocate of this policy. Sir Harry Verney, in speaking after Mr. T. Attwood, upon the subject of Russia (see Mirror of Parliament, 1833, p. 2878) said—"The honourable gentleman has represented Russia as a state sunk in barbarism and ignorance, and hostile to every species of liberty. I would to God that such a description of Russia were correct!!! I believe the reverse to be the fact. I believe there is no power on earth which resorts to such effectual means of propagating her power, civilising her country, promoting commerce, manufactures, the acquirement of useful information, and the propagation of every useful institution, as Russia. Does the honourable gentleman know that at this moment steam-boats navigate the Volga; and that you may travel in all parts of Russia in the same way as you may through the United States? Does the honourable gentleman know that the Emperor of Russia sends abroad agents in whom he can confide, to obtain information relative to improvements and inventions which may be useful to himself? * * * I am quite sure that, if this country would maintain the balance of power, we must oppose the encroachments of Russia."

A Yankee punster would exclaim—"Sir Harry goes the whole hog with Bacon upon the 'balance of power!'"

Yes, Sir Harry is right. He and the noble author of the "Novum Organum" are the only two philosophers who have taken a true and consistent view of the question. We are far, however, from including them both under one rule of inculpation. The honourable member for Buckinghamshire errs, perhaps, intellectually, and not morally. His chief fault, or rather misfortune, is, that he lives in Buckingham. Let him and the Marquis of Chandos go through a course of Adam Smith and the economists, beginning with Harriet Martineau; and they will then be convinced that we cannot profit by the barbarism of another people, or be injured by their progress in civilisation, any more than the British nation can gain by the corn laws.

55. [55] Burke's Speech, House of Commons, March 29, 1791.—See Hansard's Parliamentary History, vol. xxix., pp. 76, 77.

56. [56] See Hansard's Parliamentary History, vol. xxix., p. 929.

57. [57] We add an extract from a letter, dated January 26, 1836, addressed to the author by a friend—a gallant officer, and an enlightened and amiable man, who himself holds an official rank at the British Court from one of the States of South America:—"You, who are so strong an advocate for peace and freedom, will be glad to hear of the tranquillity of America, and that our systems of government are at last working well. Of the thirteen trans-Atlantic republics, ten are now in a perfect state of order and prosperity. The capture of Puerto Cabello from a banditti who are in possession of it will restore that of Venezuela; and the next news from Peru will give us that of the peaceable settlement of its government. Mexico, therefore, will alone remain an exception to this peaceful state; and I am afraid she will long remain so; yet, in spite of the troubles of Mexico, she last year raised from her mines (according to the official report of the Minister of Finance, and without including what was smuggled), thirty millions of dollars, in gold and silver, being three millions more than was ever produced under the most flourishing year of the old Spanish Government. As to the national debts of America, the bonds of the United States were used to be sold by basketfuls, in the first years of their independence, yet they have now paid off the whole. You have about fourteen principal nations in Europe, and you know two or three of them have internal dissensions."

58. [58] The average time of the passage from New York to Liverpool, by the line of packet ships, is twenty-five days.

59. [59] Washington Irving has good humouredly satirised this national propensity for foreign politics in the well-known sketch of "John Bull." "He is," says that exquisite writer, "a busy-minded personage, who thinks, not merely for himself and family, but for all the country round, and is most generously disposed to be everybody's champion. He is continually volunteering his services to settle his neighbour's affairs, and takes it in great dudgeon if they engage in any matter of consequence without asking his advice; though he seldom engages in any friendly office of the kind without finishing by getting into a squabble with all parties, and then railing bitterly at their ingratitude. He unluckily took lessons in his youth in the noble science of defence; and having accomplished himself in the use of his limbs and weapons [i.e., standing armies and navies] and become a perfect master at boxing and cudgel play, he has had a troublesome life of it ever since. He cannot hear of a quarrel between the most distant of his neighbours but he begins incontinently to fumble with the head of his cudgel, and consider whether interest or honour does not require that he should meddle in their broils. Indeed he has extended his relations of pride and policy so completely over the whole country [i.e., quadripartite treaties and quintuple alliances] that no event can take place without infringing some of his finely-spun rights and dignities. Couched in his little domain, with those filaments stretching forth in every direction, he is like some choleric, bottle-bellied old spider, who has woven his web over a whole chamber, so that a fly cannot buzz, nor a breeze blow, without startling his repose and causing him to sally forth wrathfully from his den. Though really a good-tempered, good-hearted old fellow at bottom, yet he is singularly fond of being in the midst of contention. It is one of his peculiarities, however, that he only relishes the beginning of an affray; he always goes into a fight with alacrity, but comes out of it grumbling even when victorious; and, though no one fights with more obstinacy to carry a contested point, yet, when the battle is over, and he comes to a reconciliation, he is so much taken up with the mere shaking of hands [Lord Castlereagh at the Treaty of Vienna] that he is apt to let his antagonists pocket all they have been grumbling about. It is not, therefore, fighting that he ought to be so much on his guard against as making friends.... All that I wish is, that John's present troubles may teach him more prudence in future; [nothing of the kind—look at him now, fifteen years after this was written, playing the fool again, ten times worse than ever, in Spain] that he may cease to distress his mind about other people's affairs; that he may give up the fruitless attempt to promote the good of his neighbours, and the peace and happiness of the world, by dint of the cudgel: that he may remain quietly at home; gradually get his house into repair; cultivate his rich estate according to his fancy; husband his income—if he thinks proper; bring his unruly children into order—if he can."—Sketch Book.

Volume I, Part II, Essay IV

60. [60] We stated this familiar fact in a former pamphlet; but it is one that cannot be too frequently placed broadly before the public eye.

61. [61] This is still a favourite toast at the annual meetings of the Pitt clubs, drunk by these consistent politicians who will not yield even to the inexorable reforms of trade.

62. [62] We shall not enter upon the subject of the profit and loss of our colonies, which would require a volume. An acute writer of the day estimates the annual loss by our dependencies at something like four millions; but he loses sight altogether of the interest of the money spent in conquering them, which is twenty or thirty millions a year more! Leaving these unprofitable speculations as to the past, let us beg our readers to look at a chart of the world, and, after comparing the continent of free America with the specks of islands forming our colonial possessions, to ask himself whether, in choosing our future commercial course, the statesmen who presides at the helm of affairs ought to take that policy for his guide which shall conduct us to the market of the entire hemisphere, or that which prefers the minute fraction of it.

63. [63] About one-half of our exports is of cotton origin; but we take one-third as the portion worked up from North American material.

64. [64] We wish those rhetorical statesmen, who talk so eloquently in favour of going to war to preserve the equilibrium of Europe, or the balance of power in Turkey, would condescend to give a thought as to its effects upon the equilibrium of our cotton manufacture.

65. [65] We confine our illustrative remarks on that part which we assume to be the growth of the United States; the total of our imports and exports of cotton is, of course, more than stated here.

66. [66] See the United Service Journal for June, 1836, for a list of the ships of war and their stations, June 1st:—North American and West Indian stations, one 74 and one 52 guns.

67. [67] See the United Service Journal, June 1, 1836, for a list of the stations of the British navy.

68. [68] The public papers have announced that, owing to the demand for sailors for the royal navy, the merchants have been compelled to advance the wages of their hands. We have read the following notice upon the quay at Liverpool—"Wanted, for his Majesty's Navy, a number of petty officers and able-bodied seamen." It would seem that there is no want of commissioned officers; which accounts for the increase of the navy estimates, we suspect.

69. [69] Our former intervention in the concerns of Spain was characterised by wisdom itself when compared with the unadulterated folly of the part we are at present taking in Peninsular affairs. Here is a family quarrel, between two equally worthless personages, who dispute the right of reigning over ten millions of free people; and England sends a brigade of four or five thousand men (by what right?) to decide this purely domestic question! We have been informed, by a friend long resident in Spain, upon whose authority we can rely, that there is not an honest public functionary in the country; that, from the Minister down to the lowest tide-waiter, all are as corrupt now as when Wellington censured the treachery of this people. Villiers and Evans are experiencing that treatment, at the hands of Isturiez and Cordova, which Frere and Sir John Moore encountered, thirty years ago, from the agents of the Government. That the people are not improved by our last sacrifices for the dynasty of Ferdinand may be proved by their atrocities and female massacres—unheard of out of Turkey. When the affairs of the British empire are conducted with as much wisdom as goes to the successful management of a private business, the honest interests of our own people will become the study of the British ministry; and then, and not till then, instead of being at the mercy of a chaos of expedients, our Foreign Secretary will be guided by the principle of non-intervention in the politics of other nations. "A people," says Channing, "which wants a saviour, which does not possess an earnest and pledge of freedom in its own heart, is not yet ready to be free." In the meantime, it cannot be too widely known, that our interference in the private quarrels of these semi-barbarians will cost us, this year, half a million sterling; whilst with difficulty we have obtained £10,000 for establishing Normal Schools!

70. [70] The ignorance manifested in the French Chamber of Deputies upon commercial affairs, during the recent discussions, and the folly and egotism of the majority of the speakers, leave little hope of an increased intercourse between the two countries. M. Thiers openly avowed that we were to be manufacturing rivals, but political friends: we disclaim both these relationships. The French, whilst they are obliged to prohibit our fabrics from their own market, because their manufacturers cannot, they say, sustain a competition with us, even with a heavy protecting duty, never will become our rivals in third markets, where both will pay alike. The boast of the Prime Minister of France is like the swagger of one, who, having barricaded himself securely in his own house, blusters about giving battle in a neighbouring county. For the English ministry to form a mere political connection with the present unstable government and dynasty of France, to the exclusion of trading objects, would be to put us in partnership with a party in a desperate state of fortune, who resolved not to mend it. There can be no real alliance, unless by a union of interests. Schoolboys have sufficient knowledge of human nature to feel this, when they throw their marbles into a common bag, and become friends.

71. [71] "Nothing is worthy of more attention, in tracing the causes of political evil, than the facility with which mankind are governed by their fears, and the degree of constancy with which, under the influence of that passion, they are governed wrong. The fear of Englishmen to see an enemy in their country, has made them do an infinite number of things which had a much greater tendency to bring enemies into their country than to keep them away.

"In nothing, perhaps, have the fears of communities done them so much mischief as in the taking of securities against enemies. When sufficiently frightened, bad Governments found little difficulty in persuading them that they never could have securities enough. Hence come large standing armies, enormous military establishments, and all the evils which follow in their train. Such are the effects of taking too much security against enemies."—Ency. Brit. New edition. Vol. vii. p. 122.

72. [72] We shall offer no excuses for so frequently resolving questions of State policy into matters of pecuniary calculation. Nearly all the revolutions and great changes in the modern world have had a financial origin. The exaction of the tenth penny operated far more powerfully than the erection of the Council of Blood to stir the Netherlands into rebellion in 1569 against the tyranny of Charles V. Charles I. of England lost his head in consequence of enforcing the arbitrary tax called ship-money. The independence of America, and indirectly through that event, all the subsequent political revolutions of the entire world, turned upon a duty of threepence a pound, levied by England upon tea imported into that colony. Louis XVI. of France, when he summoned the first assembly of the Estates-General, did so with the declared object of consulting with them upon the financial embarrassments under which his Government was labouring: that was the first of a series of definite changes which eventually cost the king his life, and Europe twenty years of sanguinary wars. The Second French Revolution, in 1830, was begun by the printers, who were deprived of the means of subsistence by the Ordinances of Charles X. against the press. How much of our own Reform Bill was the fruits of a season of distress?

Remembering that to nineteen-twentieths of the people (who never encounter a higher functionary than the tax-gatherer, and who meet their rulers only in duties upon beer, soap, tobacco, etc.) politics are but an affair of pounds, shillings, and pence, we need not feel astonished at such facts as the preceding.

73. [73] The following is the American navy in commission, February 27, 1836:—One ship of the line, four frigates, eleven sloops, six small vessels; and this after a threatened rupture with France, when every arrival from Europe might have brought a declaration of war! Compare this statement with the fact, that the British Government, with a force, at the same time, more than six-fold that of the United States, demanded an increase of more than the entire strength of the American navy, and with the same breath avowed the assurance of permanent peace; and let it be remembered, too, that the House of Commons voted this augmentation, under the pretence of protecting our commerce!

A few plain maxims may be serviceable to those who may in future have occasion to allude to the subject of commerce, in king's speeches, or other state papers.

To make laws for the regulation of trade, is as wise as it would be to legislate about water finding a level, or matter exercising its centripetal force.

So far from large armaments being necessary to secure a regularity of supply and demand, the most obscure province on the west coast of America, and the smallest island in the South Pacific, are, in proportion to their wants, as duly visited by buyers and sellers as the metropolis of England itself.

The only naval force required in a time of peace for the protection of commerce, is just such a number of frigates and small vessels as shall form an efficient sea police.

If government desires to serve the interests of our commerce, it has but one way. War, conquest, and standing armaments cannot aid, but only oppress trade; diplomacy will never assist it—commercial treaties can only embarrass it. The only mode by which the Government can protect and extend our commerce, is by retrenchment, and a reduction of the duties and taxes upon the ingredients of our manufactures and the food of our artisans.

74. [74] House of Commons' Report, June 6.

75. [75] We invite the attention of public-spirited members of Parliament to these facts. They are submitted for the investigation of the conductors of the newspaper press. Every Chamber of Commerce in the kingdom is interested in the subject. This is not a question of party politics, but of public business. Every prudent trader must feel outraged at such a display of reckless extravagance by a commercial people; nay, every economical labourer and frugal housewife must be scandalised by this wasteful misdirection of the industry of the state.

76. [76] Pitt, whose views of commercial policy were, at the commencement of his career, before he was drawn into the vortex of war by a selfish oligarchy, far more enlightened and liberal than those of his great political opponents (as witness the opposition by Burke and Fox to his French treaty on the vulgar ground that the two nations were natural enemies), entertained a just opinion of the comparative unimportance of the trade of the east of the Mediterranean, after the growth of our cotton manufactures and the rise of the United States had given a new direction to the great flood of traffic.

"Of the importance of the Levant trade," said Mr. Pitt (see Hansard's Par. Hist. vol. xxxvi., p. 59), "much had formerly been said, volumes had been written upon it, and even nations had gone to war to obtain it. The value of that trade, even in the periods to which he had alluded, had been much exaggerated; but even supposing those statements to have been correct, they applied to times when the other great branches of our trade to which we owe our present greatness and our naval superiority did not exist—he alluded to the great increase of our manufactures, to our great internal trade, to our commerce with Ireland, with the United States of America. It was these which formed the sinews of our strength, and compared with which the Levant trade was trifling." This was spoken in 1801, since which time our trade with the United States has increased threefold, and by the emancipation of South American colonies, another continent of still greater magnitude offers us a market which throws by its superior advantages those of the Levant and Turkey into comparative insignificance, and adds proportionably to the force of the argument in the above quotation. Yet we have statesmen of our day who seem to have scarcely recognised the existence of America.

77. [77] Two letters have since been published in the Manchester Guardian, May 28, which are written by Lord Durham and addressed to Mr. Gisborne, the British Consul at Petersburg, giving the most positive assurances that no interruption will take place in our friendly commercial relations with Russia. Will the navy be reduced? We may apply the lines of Gay, written upon standing armies a century ago, to sailors—

"Soldiers are perfect devils in their way—
When once they're raised they're deuced hard to lay."

Apropos of soldiers. In 1831, during the progress of the Reform Bill, and when the country was upon the eve of a new election, in which, owing to the excitement of the people, tumults were justly to be dreaded, an augmentation of the army to the extent of 7,680 men was voted by the Parliament. Mr. Wynn, the then War Secretary, declared that this increase had no reference to continental affairs. He should be rejoiced, he said, if the causes which led to this augmentation should cease and enable the Government to reduce the estimates before the end of three months. No reduction yet—1836! Where is Mr. Hume?

78. [78] "Financial Reform."

79. [79] "To me it seems that neither the obtaining nor the retaining of any trade, however valuable, is an object for which men may justly spill each other's blood; that the true and sure means of extending and securing commerce is the goodness and cheapness of commodities; and that the profit of no trade can ever be equal to the expense of compelling it and of holding it by fleets and armies."—Franklin's letter to Lord Howe, quoted in Hughes' History of England, vol. xv., p. 254.

80. [80] Burke, in his first production—A Vindication of Natural Society—sums up his estimate of the loss of human life, by all the wars of past ages, at seventy times the population of the globe. It is not a little lamentable to reflect that this great genius, among other inconsequential acts of his life, afterwards contributed more than any other individual to fan the flame of the French revolutionary wars, in which several millions more were added to his dismal summary of the victims of "glory." (?)

81. [81] At a meeting of a literary society, of which the author is a member, the [Illegible Text. Please Check.]bject of discussion lately was—"Would, or would not, the interests of the civilised world, and those of England in particular, be promoted by the conquest of Turkey by Russia?" Which, after an interesting debate on the part of a body of as intelligent individuals as can be found in a town more deeply interested in the question than any in the kingdom, was decided affirmatively. The assumed possession was alone considered as affecting the interests of society. The morality of the aggression was not the question entertained, and, therefore, did not receive the sanction of the society.

82. [82] It will be apparent to any inquiring mind, which takes the trouble to investigate the subject, that our commerce with America is, at this time, alone sustaining the wealth and trade of these realms. Our colonies do not pay for the expenses of protecting and governing them; leaving out of the question the interest of the debt contracted in conquering them. Europe has been a still more unprofitable customer.

83. [83] It is a saying of Montesquieu that "God Almighty must have intended Spain and Turkey as examples to show to the world what the finest countries may become when inhabited by slaves." Yet these two nations are now the objects of British protection, and the source of considerable annual expenditure to the people of these realms; whilst the status quo of Turkey seems to be the aim of our politicians. In speaking of the cost of our interference in Spain, we assume (safely enough) that the loan of arms by the British Government will not be repaid.

84. [84] "England, France, Russia, and Turkey."

85. [85] See the volume on The Horse, published by the Society for the Diffusion of Useful Knowledge, for the stress laid upon the superiority of mild treatment in the breaking of that animal.

Volume I, Part II, APPENDIX

86. [86] Pacta conventa meant a fresh bargain, which was made by the nobles at every succeeding election of a king, and by which their own powers and privileges were constantly augmented.

87. [87] Those whom God would destroy, He first deprives of reason.

Volume I, Part III, Letter I

1. [1] "I believe every man is brave."—Duke of Wellington, House of Lords, June 15, 1852.

2. [2] England had, in 1792, 153 ships of the line, and France 86.—James's Naval History.

3. [3] The Marquis of Lansdowne, speaking of the probable execution of the King of France, said, "Such a King was not a fit object for punishment, and to screen him from it every nation ought to interpose its good offices; but England, above all, was bound to do so, because he had reason to believe that what had encouraged the French to bring him to trial was the precedent established by England in the unfortunate and disgraceful case of Charles I."—Dec. 21, 1792.

Volume I, Part III, Letter II

4. [4] House of Commons, May 25, 1792. All the speeches from which I have quoted were delivered in Parliament, and the quotations are from Hansard.

5. [5] Vol. iii. p. 108.

6. [6] "Life of Napoleon," ch. vii.

7. [7] Scott's Napoleon.

8. [8] 20th April, 1792.

9. [9] With his too common inaccuracy, the author has overlooked the previous death of Leopold.

10. [10] Vol. v. p. 129.

11. [11] May 27, 1795.

12. [12] "No one more clearly than Mr. Pitt saw the ruinous consequences of the contest into which his new associates, the deserters from the Whig standard, were drawing or were driving him. None so clearly perceived or so highly valued the blessings of peace as the finance minister who had but the year before accompanied his reduction of the whole national establishment with a picture of our future prosperity almost too glowing even for his great eloquence to attempt. Accordingly, it is well known, nor is it even contradicted by his few surviving friends, that his thoughts were all turned to peace. But the voice of the court was for war; the aristocracy was for war; the country was not disinclined towards war, being just in that state of excitable (though as yet not excited) feeling which is dependent on the Government, that is, upon Mr. Pitt, either to calm down into a sufferance of peace or rouse into a vehement desire of hostilities. In these circumstances the able tactician, whose genius was confined to parliamentary operations, at once perceived that a war must place him at the head of all the power in the State, and, by uniting with him the more aristocratic portion of the Whigs, cripple his adversaries irreparably; and he preferred flinging his country into a contest which he and his great antagonist, by uniting their forces, might have prevented; but then he must also have shared with Mr. Fox the power which he was determined to enjoy alone and supreme."—Brougham's Statesmen of George III., series i., vol. i., p. 77-79.

13. [13] Vol. ii. p. 330.

14. [14] Jan. 4, 1793.

15. [15] And here let me give an extract from Scott's Life of Napoleon, illustrative of the looseness and inaccuracy with which history is sometimes written. I have explained the errors in italics:—

"Lord Gower, the British ambassador, was recalled from Paris immediately on the King's execution." [He was recalled on the King's deposition in August, his execution not taking place till January following.] "The Prince to whom he was sent was no more; and, on the same ground, the French envoy at the Court of St. James, though not dismissed by his Majesty's Government, was made acquainted that the ministers no longer considered him as an accredited person." [The French ambassador was peremptorily ordered to leave this country in eight days, upon the news of the King's death reaching this country.] And from these inaccurate data he draws the conclusion that we are not the aggressors in the war which immediately followed.

16. [16] Degree of Fraternity. The National Convention declares in the name of the French nation that it will grant fraternity and assistance to all people who wish to recover their liberty; and it charges the Executive power to send the necessary orders to the generals to give assistance to such people, and to defend those citizens who have suffered or may suffer in the cause of liberty.—19th November, 1792.

17. [17] "History of Girondins," vol. i. p. 197.

18. [18] "Pictorial History of England," vol. iii. p. 276.

19. [19] January 21, 1794.

20. [20] "Life of Napoleon," ch. xv.

21. [21] February 12, 1793.

22. [22] December 15, 1792.

23. [23] A highly respectable inhabitant of Manchester, whose house was assailed by a "Church and King" mob, upon the charge of being a "Jacobin," or "Republican and Leveller." His son, who inherits his liberal principles, but whose good fortune it has been to live in times when popular intelligence can discriminate between friends and foes, is an alderman and magistrate of that city.

24. [24] February 7, 1793.

25. [25] Vol. iii. p. 101.

26. [26] December 15, 1792.

27. [27] May 7, 1793.

28. [28] December 28, 1792.

29. [29] Feb. 18, 1793.

30. [30] May 27, 1795.

31. [31] Dec. 9, 1795.

32. [32] December 14, 1795.

33. [33] October 29, 1793.

34. [34] Believe me, a war alone can change the direction of men's minds in France, re-unite them, give a more useful aim to the passions, and awaken true patriotism.

35. [35] Vol. iv. p. 7.

Volume II, Part III, Letter III.

36. [36] At Valenciennes and Condé.

37. [37] In addition to this, the army in India amounts to 289,529 men, making altogether 562,010 men. The cost of the Indian army is ten millions, which, added to our fifteen millions, makes £25,000,000—the largest sum paid by any nation for a peace establishment.

38. [38] [The army estimates voted for in 1865-6 amounted to £14,348,447, those for the navy to £10,392,224. These estimates showed a considerable reduction on the expenditure in 1860-1, which was for the army £18,013,896, for the navy £13,331,668. Since 1859 sums of £2,000,000 and £1,200,000 have been voted for fortifications. The estimates for the Indian army for 1865-6 were £13,754,560 and for the Indian marine charges £538,200.]

39. [39] Hansard, vol. 107, p. 704

40. [40] M. Thiers

41. [41] Such arguments have been gravely urged in the House of Commons by naval men; and, what is still worse, they have been acted upon.

42. [42] It cannot be too strongly impressed upon the mind of the reader that this cry of "invasion without notice" was raised when Louis Philippe was still on the throne, as the following extract from a letter of remonstrance addressed by Sir William Molesworth, January 17, 1848, to the editor of the Spectator, London newspaper, will plainly show:—

"You say that 'the next attack on England will probably be without notice 5,000 [Frenchmen] might inflict disgrace upon some defenceless post; 500 might insult British blood at Herne Bay, or even inflict indelible shame on the empire at Osborne House!' Good God! can it be possible that you, whom I ranked so high among the public instructors of this nation—that you consider the French to be ruffians, Pindarees, freebooters; that you believe it necessary to keep constant watch and ward against them, as our Saxon forefathers did against the Danes and the Nordmen, lest they should burn our towns, plunder our coasts, and put our Queen to ransom? Are you aware that the French are as civilised as ourselves—in some respects intellectually our superiors? Have you forgotten that they have passed through a great social revolution which has equalised property, abolished privilege, and converted the mass of the people into thrifty and industrious men, to whom war is hateful and the conscription detestable? Are you not aware that they possess a constitutional government, with the forms and practice of which they are daily becoming more and more conversant; that no measure of importance can be adopted without being first debated and agreed to in the Chambers; and that the love of peace and the determination to preserve peace have given to the King of the French a constant majority in those Chambers and kept him in peaceable possession of his throne? Can you controvert any one of these positions?"

These writers must be judged not by what they now say of Louis Napoleon's designs, but what they said of the French nation when Guizot was Prime Minister under a constitutional king, and when we were spending two millions more on our armaments than anybody now proposes to spend.

43. [43] National Assembly, 27th June, 1851.

44. [44]

Cotton wool... 200,578,400 lbs. (1)
Olive oil... 30,934 tons (2)
Sheep's wool... 162,058,600 lbs.
Lead... 36,232 tons.
Linen thread... 9,532,600 lbs.
Coal... 6,265,000 tons.
Ditto for steam navy in 1864... 74,497 tons.
Coke... 715,835 tons.
Pig iron... 169,535 tons.
Sulphur... 39,720 tons.
Saltpetre... 1,011 tons.
Zinc... 31,868 tons.
Raw silk... 8,100,400 lbs.
Thrown silk... 2,131,800 lbs.
(1) The figures have been converted from kilogrammes into lbs.
(2) Ton of 1,000 kilogrammes.

45. [45] Our official value of French exports to this country for 1851 is £8,033,112.

46. [46] [In 1863 the real value of French exports of all kinds amounted to 3,526 millions of francs, of which 834 millions were sent to England. The real value of the exports of French produce amounted to 2,642 millions of francs, of which 620 millions were sent to England.]

47. [47] [Navigation of the external commerce of France in 1865, fisheries included:—

  Ships. (1) Tons.
Arrivals... 28,718 4,999,000
Departures... 22,073 3,589,000
Total 50,791 8,588,000
Share of Foreign Ships:—    
Arrivals... 17,486 3,016,000
Departures... 12,471 1,943,000
Total 29,957 4,959,000

(1) Vessels with cargoes. Those in ballast, the returns of which are not known for 1865, would, if added, increase the amount nearly a third especially that of the departures.]

48. [48] This is the only report near this date which I can find.

49. [49] [The total tonnage of British vessels entering inwards and clearing outwards in 1864 was 18,201,675 tons. In 1864, there were 26,142 sailing vessels, and 2,490 steamers, registered in the ports of the United Kingdom. The total tonnage was 5,427,500 tons. In 1863 the French mercantile navy comprised 15,092 vessels, including 345 steamers; the total tonnage was 985,235 tons. To arrive at a fair comparison, 300,000 tons should be deducted from the British tonnage, being the increase in 1864.

50. [50] Mr. Kay, in his valuable work on the education and social condition of the people of the Continent, offers this sad reflection in speaking of the state of things at home:—"Where the aristocracy is richer and more powerful than that of any other country in the world, the poor are more oppressed, more pauperised, more numerous in comparison to the other classes, more irreligious, and very much worse educated than the poor of any other European nation, solely excepting uncivilised Russia and Turkey, enslaved Italy, misgoverned Portugal, and revolutionised Spain."

51. [51] "A Residence at the Court of London." By Richard Rush, Minister from the United States.


1. [1] The Journal of Commerce.


2. [2] Papers relating to hostilities with Burmah presented to Parliament, June 4, 1852, p. 5

3. [3] Ibid.

4. [4] P. 64.

5. [5] Why, then, reduce the claim to less than one-half?

6. [6] P. 13.

7. [7] Ibid.

8. [8] P. 14.

9. [9] Ibid

10. [10] P. 14.

11. [11] The first person who came on board the Commodore's ship (whose name is given in the Blue Book and in the Parliamentary Report, but which for obvious reasons I suppress) is thus described by Lord Ellenborough:—"One of the most considerable traders at Rangoon is a person of the name of———.That man, as soon as he knew of the probability of a war, freighted a schooner with arms and sold them to the Governor of Rangoon. When the Governor refused payment for them he had the effrontery to go to Commodore Lambert and complain of the injury inflicted upon him. I suppose we shall hereafter see the amount of compensation claimed by that person in the bill to be paid by the Burmese Government. The Governor of Rangoon offered in consequence £100 for that man's head, and I confess I should not have been deeply grieved if he had got it. This is a description of one of the persons for whom this great war is to be undertaken."—House of Lords, April 5th, 1852.

12. [12] P. 25.

13. [13] P. 24

14. [14] Ibid.

15. [15] Ibid.

16. [16] P. 30.

17. [17] The Earl of Ellenborough made the following observations upon these proceedings (House of Lords, February 16th, 1852):—

"He also wished to know whether, before any requisition was sent to the King of Ava, for reparation for the injuries inflicted on British subjects in Rangoon any trustworthy officer of ours was sent there to ascertain the truth of their representations, and the extent of the injuries inflicted? He could recollect—it was not so distant an era—he could recollect the circumstances of a complaint which was brought under the notice of the British Government, by a certain Don Pacifico. Athens rejoiced in one Pacifico; but he could assure their lordships that there were dozens of Pacificos at Rangoon. If there were not the grossest ignorance of, or the strangest misrepresentations about Rangoon, on the part of those who have written about it, Rangoon was the sink of Asia—the Alsatia to which all men went who could not keep a footing elsewhere. Persons of European origin, who had discovered that Asia was too hot to hold them, lived in Ava, and generally went to Rangoon, and there, under the same, or perhaps some other name, endeavoured to gain a new reputation or a new fortune. He should not wish the Government to take any political measures with regard to Ava, without sending an officer there to inquire into the circumstances. He regretted that this had not been done in the first instance; for it was reported that when the Commodore went to Rangoon with his fleet, he found circumstances very different from those which had been represented to him. The Don Pacificos pushed off their boats, and went on board with representations of the damage which they said they had sustained."

[Commodore Lambert had directions to inquire into the justice of the demand which he was sent to make upon the Governor of Rangoon; but, instead of doing so, he took for granted the truth of fresh complaints brought against that officer, and acted upon them, without allowing the accused party the opportunity of answering one or the other of the charges.]

18. [18] P. 28.

19. [19] P. 36.

20. [20] Ibid.

21. [21] Ibid.

22. [22] P. 44.

23. [23] P. 44.

24. [24] Ibid.

25. [25] P. 45.

26. [26] The reader will have seen a symptom of this in the allusion to the absence of a "crown," to the "common white dress," and the smoking of a cheroot, on the occasion of the interview of Captains Latter and Tarleton with the former Governor—ante, p. 404.

27. [27] P 45.

28. [28] P. 37.

29. [29] Sic in orig.

30. [30] Remembering the summary punishment already inflicted upon the wretched offender in this case, a recurrence to it as a grievance looks very much like a desire to find a ground of quarrel.

31. [31] P. 46.

32. [32] Ibid.

33. [33] Ibid.

34. [34] P. 72. Captain Latter's Narrative.

35. [35] P. 14.

36. [36] P. 51.

37. [37] P. 39.

38. [38] Sic in orig.

39. [39] P. 40.

40. [40] P. 65.

41. [41] P. 66.

42. [42] P. 83.

43. [43] Captain Latter's Narrative, p. 47.

44. [44] P. 47.

45. [45] P. 43.

46. [46] P. 43.

47. [47] P. 47.

48. [48] P. 53.

49. [49] P. 48.

50. [50] P. 41.

51. [51] Ante, p. 419.

52. [52] On the news of this event reaching England it gave rise to a discussion in the House of Lords, when the following remark was made by Lord Derby, then Prime Minister (April 5th, 1852):—

"On receiving information of the insults offered to Commander Fishbourne, Commodore Lambert said it was impossible that he could continue communications with such a Government, and actually withdrew; but unfortunately, as I think, by way of retaliation for the insults offered to his officer, taking on himself without previous instructions to seize a vessel of the King of Ava, which he carried with him."

53. [53] P. 41.

54. [54] Ante, p. 409.

55. [55] When the news of the removal of the Governor of Rangoon reached England, and before the subsequent events were known, it elicited from the representatives of the Whig Administration in the House of Lords the following remarks:—"The events proved," said the Marquis of Lansdowne, "the propriety and justice of the Commodore's mode of proceeding: for that letter addressed to the King of Ava was taken into consideration by him, and his Majesty felt that reparation was due to us, and immediately removed the Governor from his post. I have no reason to presume that the redress asked for will not fairly be given. The course taken by the King has been extremely just; and he has sent two persons to the spot, in order to inquire into the various acts of injustice, and settle the amount of compensation to be paid in respect of them." Long before these observations were made (February 16th, 1852), Commodore Lambert had carried off this "just" king's ship, and done "great execution" amongst his subjects.

56. [56] P. 42.

57. [57] P. 63.

58. [58] P. 71.

59. [59] P. 56.

60. [60] P. 68.

61. [61] Ante, p. 419.

62. [62] P. 67.

63. [63] The following description of the "execution" at the Stockades, when the King's ship was carried off, is extracted from The Second Burmese War; a volume by Lieutenant Laurie, written at Rangoon. I give it as an illustration of the Governor-General's "moderation and forbearance."

"At length the Hermes came in sight, rounding the point with the Burmese prize-vessel in tow. As she passed the Stockade, guns in rapid succession were opened on the vessels of war; at the same tine, volleys of musketry were discharged upon them. The Fox immediately returned the enemy's fire by a terrific broadside; she likewise thundered forth against the war-boats which had ventured into the river. The Hermes then came up and poured forth her shot and shell into the line of Stockade. The Phlegethon steamer, likewise, did vast destruction to the works. For nearly two hours were our vessels employed in spreading ruin and dismay around. During the conflict, a large gun-boat having on board a gun of considerable calibre, and upwards of sixty armed men, was sunk by a broadside, when nearly all on board perished. Altogether, about three hundred of the enemy were killed, and about the same number wounded, in this first encounter with the Burmese. As the vessels proceeded down to the next Stockade, they were again fired on, but only by musketry. It was remarked, at the conclusion of these operations that the enemy probably had no intention of serious resistance, but felt themselves obliged to make some show of defence, when they saw the King's property taken off, as the heads of the leading men were at stake."—pp. 30-31.

64. [64] P. 66.

65. [65] P. 65.

66. [66] P. 13.

67. [67] P. 32.

68. [68] P. 15.

69. [69] P. 60.

70. [70] Ibid.

71. [71] P. 61.

72. [72] P. 68.

73. [73] P. 68.

74. [74] P. 72.

75. [75] P. 69.

76. [76] P. 70.

77. [77] P. 65.

78. [78] P. 74.

79. [79] P. 74.

80. [80] P. 80.

81. [81] This subject was referred to in the House of Lords, and the "anomaly" pointed out by Lords Ellenborough and Broughton, the latter of whom stated that, before leaving the Board of Control, he had received a letter from Lord Dalhousie, expressing a hope that it would be remedied under the new Charter Act.—(See Hansard, March 25th, 1852.)

82. [82] Lord Ellenborough, House of Lords, 25th March, 1852

83. [83] Further papers, p. 44.

84. [84] Ibid. p. 87.

85. [85] Ibid. p. 93.

86. [86] P 65.

87. [87] That the reader may see how a policy which we declare to be unprofitable to ourselves, in a pecuniary sense, weakens our moral influence in the eyes of other nations, I give the following extract from a speech delivered by General Cass in the Senate of the United States, December, 1852.

"Another of the native Powers of Hindostan has fallen before the march of a great commercial corporation, and its 8,000,000 or 10,000,000 of people have gone to swell the immense congregation of British subjects in India. And what do you think was the cause of the war which has just ended in the swallowing up of the kingdom of Burmah? The whole history of human contests, since the dispersing of the family of man upon the plains of Shinar, exhibits no such national provocation, followed by such national punishment. Political arithmetic contains no such sum as that which drove England to this unwelcome measure. Had we not the most irrefragable evidence, we might well refuse credence to this story of real rapacity. But the fact is indisputable that England went to war with Burmah, and annihilated its political existence, for the non-payment of a disputed demand of £990. So says the London Times, the authoritative expositor of the opinions and policy of England. 'To appreciate,' says that impersonation of British feeling, 'correctly the character of this compulsory bargain, the reader must recollect that the sum originally demanded of the Burmese for the indemnification of our injured merchants was £990, and Lord Dalhousie's terms, even when the guns of our steamers were pointed against Rangoon, comprehended, in consideration of the expenses of the expedition and of compensation for property, a claim only of £100,000.' Well does it become such a people to preach homilies to other nations upon disinterestedness and moderation."


88. [88] I purposely avoid encumbering these pages with lengthy statistics, but the following figures under this head are striking. Tengoborski, in his recently published volume on the "Productive Forces of Russia," sets down the number of horses in the Empire at eighteen millions, nearly seven times as many as in France or Austria, taken separately, eleven and a half times as many as Prussia, and two and a half times as many as the whole three put together. He estimates the horned cattle at twenty-five millions, being as many as are to be found altogether in France, Austria, and Prussia. England seems to be almost the only country which does not trouble itself to "take stock" of its agricultura[Illegible Text. Please Check.] resources.

89. [89] The Government does not work the gold mines itself, but receives a percentage on the produce, which averages a little over three millions sterling per annum.

90. [90] I have for obvious reasons, avoided all allusion to the resources of our great Ally. If I had published, on my own authority, the financial statement of which I am about to give a summary, I should have been accused of laying bare the weak side of a friend to the eye of the enemy. Now, nothing can be more infantile than the notion that anything of this kind is concealed from the Russian Government. There is not a fact or conjecture respecting the finances of France, that has not been passed in review, in St. Petersburg, where everything connected with the resources of the Allies, in men and money, is as well known as in Paris or London. In a number of the Brussels paper, Le Telégraphe, appeared a communication, dated Paris, December, 10, giving a very detailed account of the ways and means of the French Government for its extraordinary budget of the next year. The last loan was for 750,000,000 francs, (30 millions sterling), 10 per cent paid down, and the rest payable in eighteen monthly instalments; of which there remain 521 millions to be paid, in the thirteen months from December, 1855, to December, 1856, inclusive. This amount, says the writer, is already anticipated in the expenses of the war, and he assumes that a loan of at least 750 millions (£30,000,000) will be required in April; and, assuming that it will be payable in the same manner as the last, 383 million francs will be required within the year. In addition, he puts down 120 millions for calls falling due on railways in 1856, and 400 millions for the purchase of foreign corn to make up for the deficiency in the harvest, and then the account stands thus:—

Instalments of the old loan payable during the next year 521,000,000
Instalments of the old loan payable on new loan... 383,000,000
Calls on railways... 120,000,000
For purchases of foreign corn... 400,000,000
Total liability for extraordinaries... 1,424,000,000

To meet these extraordinary calls he puts down, first, the savings of the country, which are estimated by the best authorities at twenty million francs a month; and next, the proportion of the precious metals which the balance of trade ordinarily brings to France, at two hundred and twenty million francs:—

Savings, twenty millions a month for thirteen months... 260,000,000
Share of precious metals... 220,000,000
Leaving unprovided... 944,000,000
or nearly... £38,000,000

to come out of former savings, already very much exhausted by previous loans and speculations.


1. [1] Sir James Graham, Hansard, cxxiv. 312.

2. [2] Par. Pap.—182—1859.

3. [3] Mr. Bentinck, Hansard, clxi. 1765.

4. [4] Created Viscount Halifax in 1866.

5. [5] Hansard, xiv. 1219.

6. [6] Hansard, lix. 403-4.

7. [7] Vide post, p. 561.

8. [8] Lord Palmerston, Hansard, lxxxii. 1223.

9. [9] Chamber of Deputies, 1846.

10. [10] Hansard, xcvi. 909.

11. [11] Hansard, clx. 18.

12. [12] Hansard, xcvi. 1074.

13. [13] Hansard, xcvi. 900.

14. [14] Hansard, xcvi. 932.

15. [15] The writer of these pages was sitting by the side of the late Mr. Hume when the tidings reached their bench. Sir Robert Peel was on the opposite front seat, alone, his powerful party having been broken and scattered by his great measure of Corn-Law Repeal. "I'll go and tell Sir Robert the news," exclaimed Mr. Hume, and, stepping across the floor, he seated himself by his side, and communicated the startling intelligence. On returning to his place, he repeated, in the following words, the commentary of the ex-minister:—"This comes of trying to carry on a Government by means of a mere majority of a Chamber, without regard to the opinion out of doors. It is what these people (pointing with his thumb over his shoulder to the protectionists behind him) wished me to do, but I refused."


16. [16] "I have observed that there is always a great deal of pressure for an increase of the army and navy, and a great complaint about the defencelessness of the country, whenever there is a surplus income over expenditure. Why, it is a tempting thing, a large heap of money at the table of the Exchequer, and the knowledge, on the part of the 'Services,' that if John Bull can be sufficiently frightened into the cry for increased defences, there is a very good chance of some of the money being divided among them and theirs. Now, they have an eye on the surplus at this moment. I have an eye also, on that surplus, which makes me peculiarly interested in this question. I want to apply it to the repeal of the taxes on knowledge; and, by spreading sound information among the people, to do something for their future happiness and prosperity."—Speech of RT. HON. T. MILNER GIBSON, M.P., Manchester, January 26, 1853.

17. [17] Annual Register, vol. xci. p 2.

18. [18] Hansard, cxix. 22.

19. [19] Hansard, cxix. 21.

20. [20] Hansard, cxix. 102.

21. [21] Hansard, cxix. 551.

22. [22] Hansard, cxix. 894.

23. [23] Mr. Sidney Herbert, Hansard, cxix. 587.

24. [24] Hansard, cxix. 575.

25. [25] "Give us a good stout man, and let us have him for sixty days to train him, and he will be as good a soldier as you can have."—Evidence of LORD HARDINGE, Commander-in-Chief, before Sebastopol Committee.

26. [26] Hansard, cxx. 1040.

27. [27] Hansard, cxx. 293.

28. [28] Hansard, cxx. 1136-7.

29. [29] Hansard, cxx. 369-379.

30. [30] Hansard, cxx. 1000.

31. [31] Hansard, cxx. 1078.

32. [322] Hansard, cxx. 1104.

33. [33] Hansard, cxx. 1116.

34. [34] Hansard, cxx. 285.

35. [35] Hansard, cxix. 1449.

36. [36] Hansard, cxxiii. 975.

37. [37] Hansard, cxxiii. 1006.

38. [38] Hansard, cxxiii. 1006-7.

39. [39] Hansard, cxxiii. 1013.

40. [40] The following are specimens:—"A Letter on the Defence of England by Corps of Volunteers and Militia," by Sir CHAS. JAS. NAPIER. "The Invasion of England," by an Englishman and a Civilian. "National Defences," by MONTAGU GORE, Esq. "A Letter to Lord John Russell, containing Suggestions for forming a Reserve Force," signed "GEORGE PAGET." "Memorandum on the Necessity of a Secretary of State for our Defence and War Establishments." "Proposals for the Defence of the Country by means of a Volunteer Force," by JOHN KINLOCH, late Captain 2nd Life Guards. "Defensive Position of England," by Captain CHAS. KNOX. "The Peril of Portsmouth," by JAS. FERGUSSON, Esq. "A Plan for the Formation of a Maritime Militia," by Captain C. ELLIOT. "Observations on Commissariat, Field Service, and Home Defences," by Sir RANDOLPH I. ROUTH. "The National Defence of England," by BARON P. E. Translated by Captain J. E. ADDISON. "Thoughts on National Defence," by Rear-Admiral BOWLES. "Brief Suggestions on the Subject of War and Invasion." "Notes on the Defensive Resources of Great Britain," by Captain FYERS, Half-pay, Royal Artillery.

41. [41] Annual Register, 1852, p. 148, "Chronicle."

42. [42] Hansard, cxxiv. 267.

43. [43] Ibid. cxxiv. 293, quoted.

44. [44] Times, February 7-12, 1853.

45. [45] Letters of "An Englishman," in the Times.

46. [46] Take, as a specimen, the similitude of burglars, under which, when speaking of the danger of invasion, our brave and polished neighbours were described by a well-known writer of the day—a man of rank and a clergyman—"When burglars are about we examine the scullery and cellar windows; we try the fastenings of our doors, hang up bells to warn us, get dogs and police to watch for us, and go to bed in confidence that we are so prepared against an attack, that few are likely to attempt it."—S. G. O., in Times (Hansard, cxxiv. 290).

47. [47] Hansard, cxxiv. 263.


48. [48] The following is a specimen of the language in which our fathers were addressed by their great political leaders nearly half a century ago. And these were the sentiments of the Hollands, Miltons, Lansdownes, Tierneys, Broughams, Russells, and even the Grenvilles and Wellesleys, of those days:—"In despotic countries it may be necessary to maintain great armies as seminaries of warlike spirit. The mind, which in such wretched countries has no noble object to employ its powers, almost necessarily sinks into languor and lethargy, when it is not roused to the destructive phrensy of war. The show of war during peace, may be necessary to preserve the chief skill of the barbarian and to keep up the only exalted feeling of the slave. The savage soon throws off habits of order; and the slave is ever prone to relapse into the natural cowardice of his debased condition. But in this mightiest of Free Communities, where no human faculty is suffered to lie dormant, and where habitual order, by co-operation, gives effect to the intense and incessant exertion of power, the struggles of honourable ambition, the fair contests of political party, the enterprises of ingenious industry, the pursuits of elegant art, the fearless exercise of reason upon the most venerable opinions, and upon the acts of the highest authorities, the race of many for wealth, and of a few for power or fame, are abundantly sufficient to cultivate those powers, and to inspire those energies which, at the approach of war, submit to discipline, and quickly assume the forms of military science and genius. A free nation like ours, full of activity and boldness, and yet full of order, has all the elements and habits of an army, prepared by the happy frame of its society. We require no military establishments to nurse our martial spirit. It is our distinction, that we have ever proved ourselves in time of need a nation of warriors, and that we never have been a people of soldiers. It is no refinement to say that the national courage and intellect have acted with the more vigour on the approach of hostility, because we are not teased and worried into petty activity; because a proud and serious people have not been degraded in their own eyes by acting their awkward part in holiday parade. Where arms are the national occupation, the intervals of peace are times of idleness, during which a part, at least, of the people must fit themselves for the general business, by exercising the talents and qualities which it requires. But where the pursuits of peace require the highest activity, and the nature of the government calls forth the highest spirit, the whole people must always possess the materials and principles of a military character. Freemen are brave, because they rely on themselves. Liberty is our national point of honour. The pride of liberty is the spring of our national courage. The independent spirit, the high feeling of personal dignity, and the consequent sensibility to national honour, the true sources of that valour for which this nation has been renowned for ages, have been, in a great measure, created and preserved by their being accustomed to trust to themselves for defence against invasion from abroad or tyranny at home. If they lean on an army for safety, they will soon look to it with awe; and thus gradually lose those sentiments of self-respect and self-dependence, that pride of liberty, which are the peculiar and the most solid defences of this country."—SIR JAMES MACKINTOSH, House of Commons, February 28, 1816.

49. [49] Hansard, clv. 699.

50. [50] Parliamentary Paper, No. 327, 1861.

51. [51] Hansard, cxli. 225.

52. [52] Ibid. cxlii. 1423.

53. [53] Ibid. cxlii. 1435.

54. [54] Hansard, cxx. 382.

55. [55] Ibid. cxlv. 417.

56. [56] Ibid. cxlv. 442.

57. [57] Ibid. clxv. 418.

58. [58] Hansard, cxlv. 426.

59. [59] Ibid. cxlv. 438.

60. [60] Ibid. cxlv. 438.

61. [61] Hansard, lxxxvii. 1456.

62. [62] Hansard, cxlv. 438—9.

63. [63] Ibid. cxlv. 450.

64. [64] Ibid. cxlv. 434.

65. [65] Hansard, cxlv. 770.

66. [66] Ibid. cxlv. 966.

67. [67] Hansard, clvi. 1138.

68. [68] Ibid. cl. 1928.

69. [69] Ibid. clvi., 989.

70. [70] Hansard, clvi. 989.

71. [71] Ibid. cxli. 102.

72. [72] Hansard, clv. 691.

73. [73] Hansard, cxlix. 929—30.

74. [74] Hansard, cxlix. 936

75. [75] Ibid. cxlix. 938.

76. [76] Ibid. cl. 1930

77. [77] Hansard, cliii. 771.

78. [78] Parliamentary Paper, No. 182, 1859, p. 22.

79. [79] Hansard, clii. 882—912.

80. [80] Ibid.

81. [81] On the 11th April, 1861, more than two years later, we shall find Lord Clarence Paget, then Secretary of the Admiralty, stating in the House that France had only thirty-seven screw line-of-battle ships built and building.—Hansard, clxii. 442.

82. [82] Hansard, clii. 882—912.

83. [83] Ibid. clii. 908.

84. [84] Hansard, clii. 906.

85. [85] The Navies of the World, by HANS BUSK, p. 85.

86. [86] Hansard, clii. 942.

87. [87] Ante, p. 587.

88. [378] Parliamentary Paper, 182, 1859, p. 15.

89. [89] Paper read at the Society of Arts, by Mr. E. J. REED, late of H.M.'s Dockyard, Portsmouth, 15th Dec. 1858, p. 15.

90. [90] THE BLOCK-SHIPS.—Commodore Yelverton's fleet of coast-guard block-ships, consisting of the Majestic, 80, Capt. Mends, C.B.; Blenheim, 60, Capt. Tatham; Cornwallis, 60, Capt. Randolph; Edinburgh, 60, Capt. D'Eyncourt; Hawke, 60, Capt. Crispin; Hogue, 60, Capt. Macdonald; Russell, 60, Capt. Wodehouse; Ajax, 60, Capt. Boyd; and the screw steam-frigate Dauntless, 34, Capt. Heath, C.B., after being duly inspected, as previously announced, by Admiral Eden and Capt. Frederick, two of the Lords of the Admiralty, left Portland harbour on Wednesday and Thursday for their respective stations. The Colossus, 80, Capt. Scott, C.B., still bearing the flag of Commodore Yelverton, remains at anchor in that harbour, but is expected to leave for the Isle of Wight in a day or two. The Biter gun-boat, tender to the Colossus, is also at Portland.—Times.

91. [91] The Channel fleet of block-ships were observed at Plymouth at noon on Sunday, approaching from the eastward. At five p.m. they were near the Eddystone, going down Channel under three foresails, jib, and spanker. Wind, north-west. Eleven ships in all; one a frigate.—Herald.

92. [92] "The Army and Navy Budgets of France and England," by M. CUCHEVAL CLARIGNY, p. 67.

93. [93] "France had, about the close of 1844, grafted into their navy twenty or twenty-two ships, varying from 1,500 to 1,700 tons, and about 450 horse-power. Those ships had been built for Transatlantic packets."—Evidence of Sir Thomas Hastings before Committee on Army, Navy, and Ordnance, 1848, Qu. 9,797

94. [94] Parliamentary Paper,182, 1859.

95. [95] The late Lord Herbert, who had been three years Secretary to the Admiralty, in his evidence before the Select Committee on the Navy, in 1848, said, "I should never dream of instituting a comparison between our expenditure and that of France; because their expenditure is so lavish, and the result for the money spent so very small, that you cannot institute a comparison between them."—Q. 10,126.

96. [96] Parliamentary Paper, 182, 1859, p. 18.

97. [97] Parliamentary Paper, 182, 1859, p. 21.

98. [98] Ibid. p. 19.

99. [99] Ibid. p. 19.

100. [100] Ibid. p. 20.

101. [101] Parliamentary Paper, No. 182, 1859, 21.

102. [102] Ibid. pp. 17-19.

103. [103] They have been wholly taken from the Report. Parliamentary Paper, No. 182, 1859.

104. [104] Hansard, cliii. 1462.

105. [105] There is something almost dramatic in the transformation of opinion which is sometimes produced by the removal from the official to the opposition benches, and vice versá. On the 18th May, 1857, Sir Charles Wood, the First Lord, in bringing forward the Navy Estimates, stated that France had forty and England forty-two screw-liners. On the 12th April, 1858, Sir John Pakington, who had just succeeded to the office of First Lord, alluding to this statement of his predecessor, said, "It was not fair to exclude the block-ships, as you must do when you say that you have only two line-of-battle ships more than the French." On the 25th February, 1859, Sir John Pakington, in moving his Navy Estimates, stated that France had twenty-nine, and England had also twenty-nine screw line-of-battle ships, totally omitting the block-ships. On the 6th of April following, Sir Charles Wood, then in opposition, reminded the First Lord of this omission, and contended that the block-ships were good and efficient for the defence of the coast.

106. [106] Hansard, cliv. 532.

107. [107] Hansard, cliv. 517.

108. [108] Ibid. 524.

109. [109] Ibid. 528.

110. [110] Hansard, cliv. 617-27.

111. [111] Lord Palmerston, August 5, 1859, Hansard, clv. 1,079.

112. [112] Hansard, cliv. 645.

113. [113] Ibid. 627-8.

114. [114] Hansard, cliii. 39-48.

115. [115] Hansard, ib. 72.

116. [116] Hansard, ib. 62.

117. [117] Hansard, cliv. 905.

118. [118] Hansard, cliv. 914.

119. [119] Ibid, 993.

120. [120] Hansard, cliv. 1293.

121. [121] Hansard, clv. 688-9.

122. [122] Hansard, clv. 685.

123. [123] Hansard, clv. 678.

124. [124] Hansard, clv. 686-7.

125. [125] Hansard, clv. 684.

126. [126] "The hon, member for Inverness-shire had stated that the building of iron-plated batteries had been neglected in this country. But the fact was that in the year 1855 the French sent two of those floating-batteries to the Crimea, and we also sent two; while, in the following year, we had not less than eight of them, to the two possessed by the French."—SIR CHARLES WOOD, Hansard, clxi. 1185.

127. [127] Ibid. cliv. 912.

128. [128] The following incident will illustrate the state of public feeling. On his way to Paris, the writer passed a day or two at Brighton, where he met a friend—certainly one of the last men to be charged with a deficiency of courage—who, on learning the writer's destination, avowed that he had been deterred from taking his family for the autumn to the French metropolis by the fear of a rupture with France, and the risk of being detained prisoner by the Emperor, after the precedent of 1803.

129. [129] Ante, p. 575.

130. [130] "Ah, pauvre John Bull!" exclaimed a lady in the presence of the writer, "quand on veut lui enlever son argent on lui fait peur de nous."

131. [131] Hansard, clvi. 966-9.

132. [132] Hansard, clvi. 966-9.

133. [133] Hansard, clvi. 967.

134. [134] Hansard, clvi. 974.

135. [135] If they wanted men in the navy they must resort to the same means as a mercantile man or a mill-owner, namely, offer a good market price for labour. If they wanted sailors they must offer to pay sufficiently high to induce them to come forward and enter the service. To expect men to enter for low wages would only lead to disappointment; it would be found impossible to get them without high wages. That was the only fair and just way of obtaining them, but hitherto the House of Commons had refused to adopt it.—SIR CHARLES NAPIER. Hansard, clvii. 1810.

136. [136] Hansard, clvi. 978.

137. [137] Hansard, clvi. 969.

138. [138] Ante, p. 588.

139. [139] Ante, p. 589.

140. [140] Ante, p. 589.

141. [141] Parliamentary Paper, 182, 1859, p. 15.

142. [142] The Navies of the World, by HANS BUSK, p. 116.

143. [143] Ante, p. 587.

144. [434] Ante, p. 609. [Footnote callout missing and unclear in original text.—Econlib Ed.]

145. [145] The Navy Budgets of England and France, p. 69.

146. [146] Hansard, clviii. 425.

147. [147] Navies of the World, p. 88.

148. [148] Hansard, clv. 702.

149. [149] Navies of the World, p. 89.

150. [150] Hansard, clviii. 426.

151. [151] Hansard, clviii. 435.

152. [152] Lord Clarence Paget had, a fortnight previously, stated in the House of Commons that "the total number of persons employed in the dockyards, on the 1st March, was 20,032;" and he stated subsequently (8th June) that "the greatest number employed during the great war with France was only 14,754."—Hansard, clvii. 2014.

153. [153] Hansard, clviii. 438-9.

154. [154] Hansard, clviii. 440.

155. [155] Hansard, clxi. 1774.

156. [156] Hansard, clxi. 1789.

157. [157] The following statement of the loss and gain by impressment made by Lord Clarence Paget, shows that it is a very unreliable mode of manning the navy:—"During the years 1811, 1812, and 1813, the closing period of the great war with France, there were pressed into the service 29,405 men, while the number of those who deserted was 27,300—so that the total gain to the country, during those three years, by impressment was 2,105 men. But, in order to bring those men thus compulsorily into the service, 3,000 good sailors had been employed on shore as press-gangs. Therefore the country actually lost about 1,000 men during those three years under the system."—Hansard, cliv. 909.

158. [158] Hansard, clviii, 449.

159. [159] Hansard, clviii 444.

160. [160] Hansard, clvi. 519.

161. [161] Hansard, clviii. 1309.

162. [162] Hansard, clix. 209.

163. [163] Hansard, clix. 844.

164. [164] Hansard, cix. 565.

165. [165] "If the Secretary of the Admiralty keep a private diary there will be found, probably, inserted a commentary on this speech not unlike the following, made on a similar occasion by his predecessor in the reign of Charles II.:—

"March 22, 1667.—The Duke of York, instead of being at sea as admiral, is now going from port to port, as he is this day at Harwich, and was the other day with the King at Sheerness, and hath ordered at Portsmouth how fortifications should be made to oppose the enemy in case of invasion, which is to us a sad consideration and shameful to the nation, especially for so many proud vaunts as we have made against the Dutch [French?]—Pepys' Diary.

166. [166] Hansard, clx. 25.

167. [167] Hansard, clx. 25, 26.

168. [168] Hansard, clx. 18.

169. [169] Lord Palmerston.

170. [170] Hansard, cxx. 1176.

171. [171] Ante, p. 617.

172. [172] Minutes of Evidence, 3850.

173. [173] Minutes of Evidence, 5021.

174. [174] Hansard, clx. 545.

175. [175] Hansard, 1448.

176. [176] Hansard, clxii. 437.

177. [177] Hansard, lxxxii. 1233.

178. [178] Ibid.

179. [179] Hansard, clx. 18.

180. [180] Ante, p. 546.

181. [181] Hansard, clx. 22.

182. [182] Hansard, clx. 23.

183. [183] Hansard, clxi. 1789.

184. [184] Ante, p. 650.

185. [185] The Navy Budgets of France and England. By M. CUCHEVAL CLARIGNY.

186. [186] Hansard, clx. 21.

187. [187] In justice to the newspaper press, which almost universally took a hopeful view of the Treaty, and gave a generous support to the negotiations, the notorious exception must be mentioned. The Times persisted in its attacks and misrepresentations, until silenced by the all but unanimous expression of opinion, on the part of the manufacturing and commercial community, in favour of the Treaty.

188. [188] Hansard, clx. 553.

189. [189] Hansard, clx. 506.

190. [190] With a similar obliviousness of our own armaments, the Fortifications Bill was thus greeted by the Earl of Ellenborough in the Lords:—"I have, during the last thirteen years, endeavoured to draw the attention of this House and the country to the almost defenceless state of the realm, earnestly desiring that we should not remain unarmed in the midst of an armed world."—Hansard, clx. 1563.

191. [191] Hansard, clx. 502.

192. [192] Hansard, clxi. 1785.

193. [193] Hansard, clx. 562. It is one of the evils of our day that men are often retained in the direction of great national undertakings long beyond the period of life when they are considered eligible for employment in conducting private concerns.—Sir Howard Douglas was, when consulted by the Government on this occasion, in his 83rd year; an age when men may be said to live only in the past, and to retain, for the affairs of this life, scarcely any interest in the future.

194. [194] The following specimen will suffice to recall to the reader's recollection the scenes that were passing at the close of 1860:—

"DINNER TO MAJOR WATLINGTON, M.P. FOR SOUTH ESSEX.—On Wednesday afternoon, Major J. W. Perry Watlington, M.P., was entertained at dinner at Harlow Bush House by the members of the B troop of West Essex Yeomanry Cavalry, on his promotion from the rank of captain of the troop to the rank of major of the regiment. Major Watlington having thanked the company for the compliment paid him, and made some remarks regarding the character of the yeomanry cavalry and the volunteer rifle movement, proceeded to say that if this country were in danger it would be necessary to make preparation; but when such a man as Lord Palmerston, who had the command of all the resources of knowledge and information to enable him to know correctly the state of the pulse of the Emperor of the French, and tell rightly to what end each pulsation of that pulse tended, asked the House of Commons to grant millions for our defence in fortifications—when he pointed to the other side of the Channel, and held the Emperor of the French up as the bugbear, then it would be positive madness to doubt there was danger, and it would be culpable negligence not to be prepared for it. (Hear, hear.)"

195. [195] This Commission reported as follows:—

The Royal Commission, appointed in 1860, to inquire into the management of the dockyards, report that the control and management of dockyards are inefficient from the following causes:—

195. The constitution of the Board of Admiralty.
195. The defective organisation of the subordinate departments.
195. The want of clear and well defined responsibility.
195. The absence of any means, both now and in times past, of effectually checking expenditure, from the want of accurate accounts.

"The want of accurate accounts," seems to be a chronic malady at the Admiralty, if we may judge by the following penitent confession of the quaint Secretary, in the time of Charles II.:—

"Nov. 10, 1666.—The Parliament did fall foul of our accounts again yesterday: and we must arme to have them examined, which I am sorry for; it will bring great trouble to me, and shame to the office."—Pepys' Diary.

196. [196] Hansard, clxii. 465.

197. [197] Hansard, clxi, 1147.

198. [198] Hansard, clxi. 1747.

199. [199] Hansard, clxii. 442.

200. [200] Hansard, clxi. 1791.

201. [201] Hansard, clxi. 1788.

202. [202] Hansard, clxi. 1773.

203. [203] Ante, p. 587.

204. [204] Parliamentary Paper, 182, 1859,

205. [205] Ante, p. 598.

206. [206] Ante, p. 599.

207. [207] Ibid.

208. [208] Hansard, clxii. 460

209. [209] Hansard, clxiii. 425.

210. [210] Hansard, clxiii. 535.

211. [211] Hansard, ib. 417.

212. [212] Parliamentary Paper, No. 182-1859, p. 15.

213. [213] Ibid., p. 19.

214. [214] Hansard, clxii. 442.

215. [215] The following is extracted from an article on this subject in the Journal des Débates:—"Is there not something calculated to try the patience of a less excitable people than ours, to find ourselves constantly denounced as plotting an invasion of England—and denounced by whom? By those whom we have not invaded—by those who for three centuries have hired all the coalitions formed against us—by those who for three centuries have always marched in the front ranks of the invaders of our national territory. Is there nothing calculated to wound the just pride of a people, not wanting in self-respect, to find ourselves incessantly called to account respecting our navy—and by whom? By those who maintain upwards of 80,000 men in active service, whilst our fleet does not contain more than 35,000—by those who are actually expending, on an average, £12,000,000 sterling annually on their navy; whilst for several years we have been spending, on an average, 125,000,000f., or £5,000,000 sterling."

216. [216] Minutes, 5023.

217. [217] Lecture, by Mr. E. J. REED p. 13.

218. [218] Hansard, clxi. 201.

219. [219] At the late meeting of the Scientific Association, at Manchester, Mr. Scott Russell gave utterance to the opinion of nautical men in a brief and pithy sentence: "The whole practical part," he said, "was incorporated in one expression of a great sailor, 'Whatever you do, for God's sake keep out the shells.'"

220. [220] Hansard, clxiv. 1636.

221. [221] Hansard, clvii. 2029.

222. [222] Hansard, clxiv. 1672, 1673.

223. [223] Hansard, cxliv. 1679.

224. [224] The writer, who has twice visited the United States at an interval of twenty-four years, and travelled through nearly the whole of the free States, never saw any mob there except that which had been imported from Europe. In a few of the large cities, where foreign immigrants are very numerous, they constitute an embarrassment in the working of the municipal governments, owing to their inaptitude for the proper discharge of the duties of free citizens. But this foreign element exercises no sway over the policy of the Federal Government at Washington, or even of the separate State legislatures. The United States, like England, is governed by landowners, with this difference, that they are numbered by thousands in one country and by millions in the other.

225. [225] These extracts and dates are taken from the Parliamentary Paper, "North America," No. 3, 1862.

226. [226] The Duke of Wellington.

227. [227] Hansard, clx. 5456.

228. [228] Hansard, cix. 766.

Volume II, Part VII, Appendix

229. [229] [This was written early in 1862.]

End of Notes

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