Free Trade and Other Fundamental Doctrines of the Manchester School
1.  Published in 1862, and included in all the editions of his political writings.
2.  Speech by Sir Robert Peel. Hansard, vol. lix. pp. 403, 404.
3.  From Milner Gibson's speech at Manchester, January 26, 1853. After Cobden and Bright, Milner Gibson was probably the most useful and consistent member of the Manchester School. For his part in the movement for repealing the taxes on knowledge, see p. 258.
4.  Morley's Life of Cobden, chap. viii.
5.  Letter from Bright to Cobden, April 16, 1857. Morley's Life of Cobden, chap. viii.
Part I, Essay I
6.  'Though, in a future age, it will probably become difficult to persuade some nations that any human two-legged creature could ever embrace such principles. And it is a thousand to one but those nations themselves shall have something full as absurd in their own creed, to which they will give a most implicit consent.'
7.  Mr. Urquhart, formerly Secretary of the English Embassy at Constantinople.
8.  Official value,
9.  Sir Matthew Decker.
10.  It would be amusing, and full of romantic interest, to detail some of the ten thousand justifiable arts invented to thwart this unnatural coalition, which, of necessity, converted almost every citizen of Europe into a smuggler. Bourrienne, who was himself one of the commissioners at Hamburgh, gives some interesting anecdotes in his 'Memoirs' under this head. The writer is acquainted with a merchant who was interested in a house that employed five hundred horses in transporting British goods, many of which were landed in Sclavonia, and thence conveyed overland to France, at a charge of about £28 a cwt.—more than fifty times the present freight of merchandise from London to Calcutta.
11.  M'Culloch's Dict., 2nd edit., p. 671.
12.  Chateaubriand.
13.  Macfarlane's Turkey.
14.  The peace estimates for army, navy, and ordnance for the year 1903-4 amounted to about £69,000,000.
15.  See Adam Smith's last chapter. In Mr. Cobden's copy of the Wealth of Nations the most striking passages in this last chapter are marked.
16.  M'Culloch's Dictionary, p. 858: a work of unrivalled labour and usefulness, which ought to have a place in the library of every merchant or reader who feels interested in the commerce and statistics of the world. We will quote from another part of this valuable work, the opinion of the author upon the influences of Russian sway in this quarter:—'On the whole, however, a gradual improvement is taking place; and whatever objections may, on other grounds, be made to the encroachments of Russia in this quarter, there can be no doubt that, by introducing comparative security and good order into the countries under her authority, she has materially improved their condition, and accelerated their progress to a more advanced state.'—P. 1108.
17.  Extract from a London paper, October 22, 1834: 'As at home, so abroad; the Whigs have failed in all their negotiations, and not one question have they settled, except the passing of a Reform Bill and a Poor Law Bill. The Dutch question is undecided; the French are still at Ancona; Don Carlos is fighting in Spain; Don Miguel and his adherents are preparing for a new conflict in Portugal; Turkey and Egypt are at daggers drawn; Switzerland is quarrelling with her neighbouring states about Italian refugees; Frankfort is occupied by Prussian troops, in violation of the treaty of Vienna; Algiers is being made a large French colony, in violation of the promises made to the contrary by France in 1829 and 1830; ten thousand Polish nobles are still proscribed and wandering in Europe; French gaols are full of political offenders, who, when liberated or acquitted, will begin again to conspire. In one word, nothing is terminated.' It is plain that, if this writer had his will, the Whigs would leave nothing in the world for Providence to attend to.
18.  Lest it might be said that we are advocating Russian objects of ambition, we think it necessary to observe, that we trust the entire spirit of this pamphlet will show that we are not of Russian politics. Our sole aim is the just interests of England, regardless of the objects of other nations.
Part I, Essay II
19.  'And sure it is yet a most beautiful and sweet country as any is under heaven, being stored throughout with many goodly rivers, replenished with all sorts of fish most abundantly, sprinkled with many very sweet islands and goodly lakes, like inland seas that will carry even shippes upon their waters; adorned with goodly woods, even fit for building of houses and shippes so commodiously, as that, if some princes in the world had them, they would soon hope to be lords of all the seas, of all the world; also full of very good ports and havens opening upon England, as inviting us to come unto them, to see what excellent commodities that country can afford; besides, the soyle itselfe fit to yeeld all kinde of fruit that shall be committed thereunto. And lastly, the heavens most mild and temperate, though somewhat more moist than the parts towards the east.'—Spenser.
20.  A slip, apparently, for United Kingdom.
21.  Dundee. According to M'Culloch's Commercial Dictionary, which Cobden constantly used at this time (cf. p. 27, note), the total value of Irish exports in 1834 was £336,000.
22.  Appenzell, St. Gall, and Aargau.
23.  Vol, viii, p. 399.
24.  Ibid., p. 367.
25.  Ibid., p. 381.
26.  'In no country is there more bigotry and superstition among the lower orders, or more blind obedience to the priesthood; in no country is there so much intolerance and zeal among the ministers of religion. I do believe, that at this moment Catholic Ireland is more rife for the re-establishment of the Inquisition than any other country in Europe.'—Inglis' Travels in Ireland. See the same traveller's description of Patrick's Purgatory, Loch Dergh. It adds weight to the testimony of this writer upon such a subject, when it is recollected that he is the author of Travels in Spain.
27.  In the United States a Jew can hold all offices of state; he may by law become the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Chief Justice, or even President. An American naval commander of the Hebrew faith was, upon one occasion, introduced to George IV.
28.  STATIONS OF THE BRITISH ARMY IN IRELAND, ON THE 1ST NOVEMBER, 1834 (from the United Service Journal). Those marked thus* are depôts of Regiments. 3rd Dragoon Guards, Dublin; 4th Dragoon Guards, Cork; 7th do., Limerick; 9th Lancers, Newbridge; 10th Hussars, Dundalk; 14th Light Dragoons, Longford; 15th Hussars, Dublin; 3rd batt. Grenadier Guards, Dublin; 1st Foot, 1st batt. Londonderry;* 2nd batt. Athlone; 7th, Drogheda;* 9th, Youghal;* 14th, Mullingar; 18th, Limerick; 24th, Kinsale;* 25th, Armagh;* 27th, Dublin; 29th, Kinsale; * 30th, Clonmel;* 43rd, Cork; 46th, Dublin; 47th, Boyle;* 52nd, Enniskillen; 56th, Cork;* 60th, Nenagh; 2nd batt. Kilkenny; 67th, Cashel;* 69th, Clare Castle;* 70th, Cork;* 74th, Belfast; 76th, Boyle;* 81st, Dublin; 82nd, Belfast; 83rd, Newry; 85th, Galway; 89th, Fermoy; 90th, Naas; 91st, Birr; 94th, Cork; 95th, Templemore; 69th, Kinsale.
Here is an array of bayonets that renders it difficult to believe that Ireland is other than a recently conquered territory, throughout which an enemy's army has just distributed its encampments. Four times as many soldiers as comprise the standing army of the United States are at this time quartered in Ireland!
29.  Dr. Clarke tells us that the serfs of Russia, when old, are, of right, supported by the owners of the estate.
30.  In the Koran, the charities are enjoined: and Tournefort tells us—'There are no beggars to be seen in Turkey, because they take care to prevent the unfortunate from falling into such necessities. They visit the prisons to discharge those who are arrested for debt; they are very careful to relieve persons who are bashfully ashamed of their poverty. How many families may one find who have been ruined by fires, and are restored by charities! They need only present themselves at the doors of the mosques. They also go to their houses to comfort the afflicted. The diseased, and they who have the pestilence, are succoured by their neighbour's purse.'—Vol. ii. p. 59. The Bible still more strictly commands charity, and—see Inglis' Ireland !
31.  In June, 1819, a steamship crossed the Atlantic from Savannah to Liverpool.
32.  In 1858, when the Earl of Eglinton was Lord Lieutenant, the first Irish Trans-Atlantic packet station was established at Galway; and about a year later Cork was made a port of call for the Inman steamships, and subsequently for the Cunard line.
33.  In 1854 there were 151,403 acres under flax cultivation; and in 1864 about 300,000 acres. The home supply is now (1903) quite inadequate to the demands of the linen industry, and about 100,000 tons of flax are imported annually.
34.  The barbarities committed in Ireland as frequently spring out of feuds arising from the competition after land, as from disputes upon tithes.
35.  When, at the commencement of the last century, a commission of the most intelligent merchants of Holland drew up, at the request of the Government, a statement of the causes of the commercial prosperity of that country, they placed the following words first in the list of 'moral causes':—'Among the moral and political causes are to be placed, the unalterable maxim and fundamental law relating to the free exercise of different religions; and always to consider this toleration and connivance as the most effectual means to draw foreigners from adjacent countries to settle and reside here, and so become instrumental to the peopling of these provinces.'
36.  At the last sitting of the Belgian Chambers, a sum of £400 was voted towards the support of the English chapel; and a similar amount was granted for the service of the Jewish faith.
37.  'In planting of religion, thus much is needful to be done—that it be not sought forcibly to be impressed into them with terror and sharpe penalties, as now is the manner, but rather delivered and intimated with mildnesse and gentlenesse, so as it may not be hated before it be understood, and their professors despised and rejected: And therefore it is expedient that some discreete ministers of their owne countrymen, be first sent over amongst them, which, by their meeke persuasions and instructions, as also by their sober lives and conversations, may draw them first to understand, and afterwards to imbrace the doctrine of their salvation; for if that the auncient godly fathers which first converted them, when they were infidells, to the faith, were able to pull them from idolatry and paganisme to the true beliefe in Christ, as St. Patrick and St. Colomb, how much more easily shall godly teachers bring them to the true understanding of that which they already professed? Wherein is the great wonder to see the oddes that is betweene the zeale of Popish priests and the ministers of the gospell; for they spare not to come out of Spaine, from Rome, and from Remes, by long toyle and dangerous travayling hither, where they know perill of death awayteth them, and no reward or riches is to be found, only to draw the people unto the Church of Rome. Whereas some of our idle ministers, having a way for credite and estimation thereby opened unto them, and having the livings of the country offered unto them, without peines and without perile, will neither for the same nor any love of God nor zeale of religion, nor for all the good they may doe by winning soules to God, bee drawne foorth from their warme nestes to look out into God's harvest, which is even ready for the sickle and all the fields yellow long ago; doubtless those good olde godly fathers will (I fear mee) rise up in the day of judgment to condemne them.'—Spenser.
Part I, Essay III
38.  'Who could their Sovereign, in their purse, forget,
39.  An instance of this nature has come to our own knowledge. A gentleman presented to the Lincoln Mechanics' Institution a copy of Stuart's work on America (probably the best, because the most matter-of-fact and impartial of all the writers upon that country), which an influential and wealthy individual of the neighbourhood, one of the patrons of the society, induced the committee to reject.
We do not feel intolerant towards these errors of judgment, the fruits of ignorance or a faulty education. The only wonder is, in this instance, to find such a character so out of his element, as to be supporting a Mechanics' Institute at all!
40.  The total amount of cotton worked up in this country in 1832 was 277,260,490 lbs., of which 212,313,690 lbs. came from the United States. In 1901 we imported nearly 16,000,000 cwts. of cotton, of which over 13,000,000 cwts. came from the United States.
41.  According to the census of 1860, the population of the United States was 31,676,267; in 1900 it was 76,303,087.
42.  The population of the United Kingdom in 1861 was 29,346,834; in 1901 it was 41,456,953.
43.  Bearing in mind that two millions [nine in 1900] of the American population are negroes, it makes the commerce decidedly in favour of the United States.
44.  Another fanciful theory upon the subject of the debt, invented, we believe, by Coleridge (it must have been by a poet, for the conolation of less ideal minds), has been lately promulgated. We are told that the country is none the worse off for the national debt, because it is all owing to Englishmen; and that, therefore, it is only like drawing off the blood from one part of the body to inject it into another vein—it is still all in the system. We feel sorry to molest so comfortable an illusion.
But does it make no difference in what manner the outlay is invested—whether eight hundred millions of capital be sunk in the depths of the sea, or put out to good interest? Is there no difference between such a sum being thrown away, destroyed, annihilated, in devastating foreign countries, whilst the nation is called upon, out of its remaining capital, and with its gratuitous labour, to pay the interest—and the like amount being employed in making canals, railways, roads, bridges, drains, docks, etc; planting trees, educating the people, or in any other way in which it would return its own interest of capital?
45.  We believe, almost incredible as the fact is even to ourselves, that the British naval commissioned officers exceed, by upwards of a thousand, the whole number of the men and officers of the American navy. A comment of a similar tenor, applied to the army of England, is to be found in a following page.
Yet we are in the twentieth year of peace, and every King's speech assures us of the friendly disposition of all foreign powers!
46.  Upon what principle of justice are the people of these realms subjected to the whole expense of attempting to put down the slave trade? We say attempting, because it is well known that the traffic is carried on as actively as ever; and, during the last year, the number of negroes conveyed away from the shores of Africa has been estimated at twenty thousand. Here is a horrid trade, which will entail a dismal reckoning, at the hands of Providence, upon the future generations of these countries that encourage it! But by what right, by what credentials from on high, does England lay claim to the expensive and vain office of keeping all mankind within the pale of honesty?
47.  These statements refer to the ships in commission. Our navy comprises about six hundred vessels of all sizes and in all conditions. The whole American naval force consists of seventy ships. Yet Sir James Graham, when bringing forward our navy estimates for 1833, actually made use of this comparison to justify our force. So much for the usefulness of that which is called dexterity in debate!
48.  'The railroads, which were partly finished, partly in progress, at the time when I visited the United States, were as follows:—
'The extent of all the railroads forms an aggregate of one thousand seven hundred and fifty miles. Ten years hence, this amount of miles will probably be doubled or trebled; so that scarcely and other roads will be used than those on which steam-carriages may travel.'—Arfwedson's Travels in 1834. [Note to the Sixth Edition of 'England, Ireland, and America.']
49.  By Amos Lay.
50.  Bright, in a speech which he delivered at Birmingham on the 13th December, 1865, said:—'I have just seen a report of a speech delivered last night by Mr. Watkin, who has recently returned from the United States. Speaking of education, he says that, taking the nine Northern States to contain ten millions and a half of people, he found there were 40,000 schools, and an average attendance of 2,133,000 children, the total cost of their education being 9,000,000 dols. In the four Western States, with a population of 6,100,000, there are 37,000 schools, with an average attendance of nearly one million and a half scholars, at a cost of 1,250,000 dols. Thus, in a population of sixteen millions, there are 77,000 schools, to which every poor child can go, at a cost of £2,000,000 a year. He thought this highly to the credit of our American cousins, and I perfectly agree with him on that point.'
51.  This was written at the very beginning of the education movement, in which Cobden took an earnest and conspicuous part. 'The expenditure from Education grants' in 1865 amounted to £636,000. In the year 1901 the Exchequer grants alone amounted to £9,753,000.
52.  The census of 1860 stated that 4051 newspapers and periodicals were then published in the United States, of which 3242 were political. According to the census bureau there were 2226 daily newspapers in 1900.
53.  From Mitchell's Newspaper Directory for 1865, it appears that 1271 journals were published in the United Kingdom, exclusive of 554 reviews and magazines. According to Hazell's Annual the number of newspapers in 1903 is 2457.
54.  There is scarcely a large town in England whose prosperity and improvement are not vitally affected by the operation of our laws of entail. In the vicinity of Manchester scarcely any freehold land can be bought; Birmingham is almost wholly built upon leasehold land; Wolverhampton has long been presenting a dilapidated aspect, in the best part of the town, in consequence of the property required for improvement being in the hands of the Church, and consequently inalienable. In many parts, manufactures are, from the like obstructing causes, prevented extending themselves over our coal-beds. The neighbourhood of Bullock Smithy might be instanced for example.
55.  It would form an instructive summary to collect from our parliamentary history, for the last three hundred years, details of the time spent in the vain endeavour to make conscience square with Acts of Parliament.—See the debates in both Houses on Ireland in 1832 and 1833 for examples.
56.  It is not uncommon to find two thousand advertisements, principally of merchandise, contained in a single copy of a New York journal. We have counted no less than one hundred and seventy announcements in one column or compartment of the New York Gazette. Of course the crowded aspect of one of these sheets, in comparison with a London newspaper, is as different as is one of the latter in contrast with a Salisbury or any other provincial journal.
57.  We mean individually and nationally. As individuals, because, in our opinion, the people that are the best educated must, morally and religiously speaking, be the best. As a nation, because it is the only great community that has never waged war excepting in absolute self-defence:—the only one which has never made a conquest of territory by force of arms; (contrast the conduct of this Government to the native Indians on the Mississippi, with our treatment of the Aborigines on the Swan river;)—because it is the only nation whose Government has never had occasion to employ the army to defend it against the people;—the only one which has never had one of its citizens convicted of treason;—and because it is the only country that has honourably discharged its public debt.
The slavery deformity was forcibly impressed upon this people in its infancy by the mother country. May the present generation outgrow the blemish!
58.  A diverting specimen of aristocracy in low life is to be found in an amusing little volume, called Mornings at Bow Street. A chimney-sweep, who had married the daughter of a costermonger, against the latter's consent, applied to the magistrate for a warrant to recover the person of his wife, who had been taken away from him by her father. The father did not object to the character of the husband, but protested against the connection as being 'so low'.
59.  Basil Hall's spending class.
60.  Pitt.
61.  Nelson, Lady Hamilton, Prince Caraccioli.
62.  We have the testimony of the Leeds manufacturers, in their evidence before the Legislature, that foreign wools are absolutely indispensable to our Yorkshire industry.
63.  To avoid exaggeration, we have named a lower average than we are entitled to quote.
64.  Here let us remark, in reference to the absurdest of all absurd chimeras with which we haunt ourselves, of this empire being in danger from the assaults of Russia—that we are convinced there is, at this moment, ten thousand times more cause of apprehension from the financial evils of Great Britain than from all the powers of the world.
65.  Cobden soon afterwards acknowledged the error of confounding corn with tea and sugar. See Prentice's History of the League, vol. i. p. 194, and letter to a Mr. Dick. It is clear from the text that Cobden had not at this time fully thought out and mastered the free trade question, though he had fastened with unerring instinct on the one great remedy.
66.  It is estimated that our annual loss on corn alone is nine millions.
67.  Wastrel, in Lancashire phrase, an idle, debauched, and worthless spendthrift—a word that may be useful in London.
Part II, Essay IV
68.  Sir Robert Peel.
Part II, Essay V
69.  A vacancy in the City of London was occasioned by the death of Sir Matthew Wood: the candidates were Mr. Pattison and Mr. Thomas Baring. The former was elected by a majority of 165.
Part II, Essay VII
70.  Milner Gibson had observed:—'The Duke of Richmond says, that if the ministers are so perfidious as to propose the repeal of the corn laws, he must look to hereditary wisdom, to the hereditary peerage, as his only safety. In 1839 I remember when his grace said that if the corn laws were repealed he would depart from England for ever,—would leave his native soil, and wander remote and unfriended over the world.' Fox had called the Duke of Richmond 'the coroneted fishmonger,' in a speech of the previous year (May 22, 1844), because the duke had complained of the operation of Peel's tariff on the value of his salmon streams in Scotland—the rent of which had, he said, been reduced by £2000 in consequence.
Part II, Essay IX
71.  See for the petition, p. 130.
Part II, Essay XI
72.  See Cobden's speech at Aylesbury, January 9, 1853.
73.  Cobden went on to recommend an extension of the suffrage, a redistribution of seats and shorter parliaments.
Part II, Essay XII
74.  Some interesting illustrations were given later in the debate on May 12th by Cowan, the member for Edinburgh, himself a paper manufacturer.
75.  Disraeli, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, was member for Buckinghamshire.
76.  Milner Gibson then read the passage in question, which was in effect an invitation to the people to break down the monopoly possessed by the proprietors of the Cotton Works, and to endeavour to possess works of their own, and urging them to endeavour to obtain for the working classes £10,000,000 out of the interest of the national debt, and £10,000,000 out of the £16,000,000 spent on the naval and military expenditure of the country.
Part III, Essay I
77.  See later, p. 386.
78.  See later, p. 399, sqq.
Part III, Essay III
79.  All who have been, in any way, concerned in these negotiations on behalf of England, acknowledge this. Thus, Colonel Rose, who was Chargé d'Affairs at Constantinople, in Lord Stratford de Redcliffe's absence, in a despatch to Lord John Russell, dated March 7th, 1853, detailing a conversation he had just held with M. D'Ozeroff, the Russian Ambassador, represents himself to have said, 'that certainly the Ottoman Minister had been to blame in the matter of the Holy Places, but that he had been coerced.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 87.
Again, Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, writing to the Earl of Clarendon from 'Constantinople, April 9th, 1853,' says:—'Your Lordship will perceive that the Russian Ambassador does not object, by his demands, to such privileges as are known to have been obtained latterly by France, in favour of the Latins, and that his principal aim is to fix and secure the present state of possession and usage by that kind of formal and explicit agreement, which may preclude all further pretensions on the side of France, and make the Porte directly responsible to Russia for any future innovation respecting the Holy Places. This is fair and reasonable enough in the view of an impartial observer.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 127.
Again, in a despatch, dated May 22nd, 1853, he says:—'It is but justice to admit that Russia had something to complain of in the affair of the Holy Places; nor can it be denied, that much remains to be done for the welfare and security of the Christian population in Turkey.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 235.
Lord John Russell, in a despatch to Sir G. H. Seymour, dated 'Foreign Office, February 9th, 1854,' says:—'The more the Turkish Government adopts the rules of impartial law and equal administration, the less will the Emperor of Russia find it necessary to apply that exceptional protection which his Imperial Majesty has found so burthen-some and inconvenient, THOUGH NO DOUBT PRESCRIBED BY DUTY, AND SANCTIONED BY TREATY.' His Lordship at the same time volunteered the following character of the Emperor of Russia and his policy:—'Upon the whole, her Majesty's Government are persuaded that NO COURSE OF POLICY CAN BE ADOPTED MORE WISE, MORE DISINTERESTED, MORE BENEFICIAL TO EUROPE, THAN THAT WHICH HIS IMPERIAL MAJESTY HAS SO LONG FOLLOWED, and which will render his name more illustrious than that of the most famous Sovereigns who have sought immortality by unprovoked conquest and ephemeral glory.'—Eastern Papers, part v. p. 8.
The Earl of Clarendon, in a letter to Sir G. H. Seymour, dated 'Foreign Office, April 5th, 1853,' says:—'Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe was instructed to bear in mind that her Majesty's Government, without professing to give an opinion on the subject, were not insensible to the superior claims of Russia, both as respected the treaty obligations of Turkey, and the loss of moral influence that the Emperor would sustain throughout his dominions, if, in the position occupied by his Imperial Majesty, with reference to the Greek Church, he was to yield any privileges it had hitherto enjoyed to the Latin Church, of which the Emperor of the French claimed to be the protector.'—Eastern Papers, part v. p. 22.
To this may be added the testimony of one who, though not diplomatically engaged in the negotiations, is a competent and impartial witness, as he was on the spot during the very crisis of these transactions, viz. the Earl of Carlisle. Stating his belief that justice was on the side of the Turks, he adds:—'In giving this opinion, I do not so much allude to the actual propositions of Prince Menschikoff, for which in the outset some plausible and; even some substantial grounds might be alleged; on the contrary, I do not think it well for any Christian State to leave its co-religionists to the uncovenanted forbearance of Mussulman rulers.'—Diary in Turkish and Greek Waters, p. 181.
80.  While the proposal of Prince Menschikoff, which had been several times modified to meet the views of the Porte, was still before it, Lord Stratford writing to the Earl of Clarendon, on May 19th, 1853, says:—'On comparing notes with M. de la Cour, I found him under an impression that the Turkish Ministers were disposed to shrink from encountering the consequences of Prince Menschikoff's retirement in displeasure' (Blue Book, part i. p. 177)—that is, in other words, disposed to accept the note proposed by the Russian Plenipotentiary. But in a despatch written the very next day, May 20th, he describes the means he had employed to prevent their yielding to that disposition:—'In one of my preceding numbers I mentioned that I had seen the Sultan in private. The interview took place yesterday morning. Rifaat Pasha accompanied me to the Sultan's apartment, and then withdrew. Reminding the Sultan of the disposition he had shown to receive my counsels, I said that I had hitherto confided them to his ministers, not wishing to trespass personally on his Majesty's indulgence without necessity. I added that in the present critical juncture of affairs the case might be different, and his Majesty might like to know what I thought from my own lips. I then endeavoured to give him a just idea of the degree of danger to which his Empire was exposed....I concluded by apprising his Majesty of what I had reserved for his private ear, in order that his ministers might take their decision without any bias from without, namely, that in the event of imminent danger I was instructed to request the Commander of her Majesty's forces in the Mediterranean to hold his squadron in readiness.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 213.
81.  The following is an extract from a despatch sent by Count Nesselrode to Baron Brunnow, in February, 1850, giving the Russian Government's estimation of that act of 'material guarantee,' on the part of England:—'It remains to be seen whether Great Britain, abusing the advantages which are afforded her by her immense maritime superiority, intends henceforth to pursue an isolated policy, without caring for those engagements which bind her to the other cabinets; whether she intends to disengage herself from every obligation, as well as from all community of action, and to authorize all great powers, on every fitting opportunity, to recognize towards the weak no other rule but their own will, no other right but their own physical strength. Your Excellency will please to read this despatch to Lord Palmerston, and to give him a copy of it.' But Russia did not go to war with England on account of this aggression on the rights and territories of an independent power.
82.  The Earl of Westmoreland writes to Lord Clarendon, under date of Vienna, July 25th, 1853:—'Count Buol stated that the note which had been proposed by M. Drouyn de Lhuys appeared to him to be the best foundation upon which we could proceed in the formation of the new one.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 19.
83.  The Earl of Clarendon writes to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe from the 'Foreign Office, August 2nd, 1853. Her Majesty's Government have, in preference to all other plans, adhered to this project of note as the means best calculated to effect a speedy and satisfactory solution of the differences. They consider that it fully guards the principle for which throughout we have been contending, and that it may therefore with perfect safety be signed by the Porte; and they further hope that your Excellency, before the receipt of this despatch, will have found no difficulty in procuring the assent of the Turkish Government to a project which the Allies of the Sultan unanimously concur in recommending for his adoption.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 27.
Lord Cowley, writing to Lord Clarendon from Paris, August 4th, 1853, says:—'M. Drouyn de Lhuys has profited by the passage of Mr. Tucker, returning by the Caradoc, to write to M. de la Cour, explaining why the French Government preferred the note which had been agreed to at Vienna, to that sent by Reschid Pasha from Constantinople, and instructing him to use all his influence with the Porte to obtain its assent to the project recommended by the Four Powers. I have had an opportunity of conversing with the Turkish Ambassador, and I was glad to find that his Excellency has written in the same sense to his Government.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 37.
84.  Sir G. H. Seymour, in a despatch to the Earl of Clarendon, dated 'St. Petersburg, August 5th, 1853,' says:—'It is my agreeable duty to acquaint your Lordship, that upon waiting upon the Chancellor this morning, he stated that he had the satisfaction of informing me, that the Emperor had signified his acceptance (acceptation pure et simple) of the project de note which had been received from Vienna, and a copy of which was dispatched on the 24th ultimo, from Vienna to Constantinople. Intelligence of the Emperor's decision will be sent off to-morrow to Baron Brunnow, and has already been conveyed by telegraph to Vienna.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 43.
Count Nesselrode conveys the acceptance, in the following language, in a despatch, dated 'St. Petersburg, August 6th, 1853,' and addressed to Baron Meyendorff:—'You are aware, M. le Baron, of our august master's very sincere desire to put an end, so far as depends on him, to the anxieties felt in Europe, perhaps with a certain degree of exaggeration, in regard to our present difference with Turkey. His Majesty accordingly directs you, M. le Baron, to declare to the Ministry of the Emperor Francis Joseph, and also to your colleagues of France, England, and Prussia, that for our part we accept in its present shape the last draft of note framed at Vienna.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 46.
85.  Sir J. H. Seymour, in a letter to Lord Clarendon, dated 'St. Petersburg, August 12th, 1853,' reporting a conversation he had just held with Count Nesselrode, says:—'The Chancellor resumed: "Now," he said, "about the delays which we are said to be desirous of interposing. The note which is intended to settle affairs reaches us on a Tuesday; on the following day our acceptance of it, without the slightest alteration, is sent off by telegraph as far as Warsaw, and from thence by a field-jager to Vienna, where it arrives on Saturday; we subscribe, without hesitation, to the slight changes made in the note at London and Paris, and the acknowledgment of our acquiescence reaches us again on the following Tuesday—a rapidity of communication of which there has been hitherto no example."'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 50.
Again, Count Nesselrode, in a note to Baron Meyendorff, dated 'St. Petersburg, September 7th, 1853,' says:—'On the mere receipt of the first draft of note agreed upon at Vienna, and even before we knew if it would be approved at London and Paris, we announced by telegraph our adhesion to it. The draft, as finally agreed upon, was sent to us at a later period, and although it had been modified in a sense which we could not mistake, nevertheless we did not on that account retract our adhesion or raise the slightest difficulty.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 101.
86.  Lord Stratford de Redcliffe writes to the Earl of Clarendon from Therapia, August 13th, 1853:—'At an early hour this morning I waited on Reshid Pasha, and communicated to him the substance of your instructions relative to the project de note, already received from Vienna. I called his attention to the strong and earnest manner in which that paper was recommended to the acceptance of the Porte, not only by her Majesty's Government, but also by the Cabinets of Austria, France, and Prussia. I reminded him of the intelligence which had arrived from St. Petersburg the day before by telegraph, purporting that the Emperor of Russia had signified his readiness to accept the same note.'—Blue Book, part iv. p. 69.
The next communication from Lord Stratford to the Earl of Clarendon, dated 'Therapia, August 14th, 1853,' is this:—'The project de note transmitted from Vienna, was laid before the Council to-day by Reshid Pasha. All the Ministers were present to the number of seventeen, including the Sheik nl Islam. The majority of the Council declared it to be their firm intention to reject the new proposal, even if amendments were introduced.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 71.
And though they were afterwards induced somewhat to modify this very peremptory proceeding, yet the adoption of such a course shows the temper which prevailed in Turkey.
87.  Lord Cowley writes to Lord Clarendon from 'Paris, September 2nd, 1853. M. Drouyn de Lhuys stated to me yesterday, that upon the receipt of the intelligence from Constantinople, that the Porte had refused to accept the Vienna note, he had addressed a short despatch to M. de la Cour,...to express the disappointment with which the Emperor had learned the little attention paid by the Sultan's Ministers to the advice of his Majesty's Allies, and to prescribe to M. de la Cour, to use all his efforts to induce the Porte to rescind its present decision.'—Blue Book, part iv. p. 87.
On the 10th September, 1853, Lord Clarendon writes a long despatch to Lord Stratford de Redcliffe, examining the modifications proposed in the Vienna note by the Porte, and then adds:—'In conclusion, I have to observe, that these last conditions were not made in the note sent to Vienna, and which, without them, the Porte was prepared to sign as a final settlement of the question. There is, consequently, some reason to apprehend that they have since been brought forward, under the conviction that they could not be complied with; and should this unfortunately be the case, it will verify the prediction of your Excellency made as long ago as the 16th of July, that there would soon be more to apprehend from the rashness, than from the timidity of Turkish Ministers; and it will soon confirm the opinion lately communicated to Her Majesty's Government, and which they gather also, from the tone of your Excellency's despatches, namely—that the feeling of the Turkish Government is a desire for war, founded on the conviction that France and England must still perforce side with Turkey, and that the war will, therefore, be a successful one for the Sultan, and obtain for him guarantees for the future, which will materially strengthen his tottering power.'—Blue Book, part iv. p. 95.
The Times of September 17th, 1853, says:—'The obligations of the crisis are manifestly reciprocal. If Europe has its duties towards Turkey, Turkey has its duties towards Europe. If Europe owes protection to the Ottoman empire, that empire owes consideration to the peace of Europe. Either the Turks are competent to maintain their own rights or they are not. If they are, the whole of this discussion is eminently gratuitous, and Admiral Dundas may as well bring the fleet home from Besika Bay. If they are not, they must rely on the succour of others, and it is as clear as reason can make it that this succour must be accepted, not on their own terms, but on the terms of those who lend it. The Porte cannot pretend to combine the advantages of independence and protection. If it goes to war on its own decision and its own responsibility, it may commence hostilities at discretion; but, if it goes to war with British ships and French soldiers, it can have no right to wrest the initiative from the hands of England and France. The four Powers have publicly acknowledged their desire and their obligation to protect the independence of Turkey, but it is perfectly preposterous to demand that when the object can be attained by pacific negotiations they should select, in preference, the process of a war, which would infallibly be terrible for humanity, and might possibly be ruinous to themselves. Such a policy would be destructive even to the very empire under protection. What would be the results of a general war no living being could venture to conjecture; but, if there is any one point certain, it is this—THAT AT ITS CLOSE THERE WOULD BE NO TURKEY IN EUROPE.'
88.  The Vienna note was avowedly founded upon, and was indeed substantially the same as the French note, previously submitted to Russia, and which had been approved by the British Government; for the Earl of Clarendon writing to the Earl of Westmoreland, July 25th, 1853, in reference to the proposal of Count Buol to frame the Vienna note, says:—'We approve of the mode of proceeding, but can give no positive sanction until we know in what manner it differs from the French note to which we have already agreed.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. I.
Now M. Drouyn de Lhuys, who was the original framer of the note, ought surely to be assumed to know in what sense it was intended to be understood. Well, this Minister, in writing to St. Petersburg to urge the acceptance of his note, says:—'That which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg ought to desire is an act of the Porte, which testifies that it has taken into serious consideration the mission of Prince Menschikoff, and that it renders homage to the sympathies which an identity of religion inspires in the Emperor Nicholas for all Christians of the Eastern rite.' And further on:—'They (the French Government) submit it to the Cabinet of St. Petersburg, with the hope that it will find that its GENERAL SENSE DIFFERS IN NOTHING FROM THE SENSE OF THE PROPOSITION PRESENTED BY PRINCE MENSCHIKOFF, and that it gives it satisfaction on all the essential points of its demands. The slight variation in the form of it will not be observed by the masses of the people, either in Russia or in Turkey. To their eyes the step taken by the Porte will preserve all the signification which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg wishes to give to it; and his Majesty the Emperor Nicholas will appear to them always as the powerful and respected protector of their religious faith.'—Cited in Count Nesselrode's Memorandum of March 2nd, 1854, as published in the Journal des Debats.
It is impossible that anything can be more explicit than this. How can the English and French Governments pretend that Russia interpreted the note in a sense different from what they intended, when it is expressly stated that it was presented 'in the hope that its general sense differed in nothing from the proposition of Prince Menschikoff,' and that it was designed to preserve in the eyes of the people, 'all the signification which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg wishes to give to it'?
89.  Lord Westmoreland, writing from Olmutz, September 28th, 1853, to Lord Clarendon, says:—'That his Majesty (the Emperor of Russia) had authorized Count Nesselrode to confer with Count Buol as to the adoption of any proposal by which a still further guarantee might be offered to the Porte, that he would maintain inviolate the assurances he had given; that he sought no new right, no further extension of power; and that he looked to nothing but the maintenance of treaties and the status quo in religious matters. His Majesty had directed Count Nesselrode to report for his approval, any recommendation which, in furtherance of his object, he might, in conjunction with Count Buol, consider it advisable to adopt.'
And further on in the same despatch, Lord Westmoreland says:—'His Majesty the Emperor Nicholas, previous to his departure from Olmutz, which took place this evening, was pleased, on taking leave of me, to refer to the decision he had taken with reference to this measure, and to assure me that he had thus endeavoured, by allowing his former declarations to be strengthened by repetition, to give an additional proof of his desire to meet every legitimate wish which was expressed to him by those Powers.'
The following note 'explaining and restricting' the meaning of the Vienna note was accordingly adopted:—
'In recommending unanimously to the Porte to adopt the draft of note drawn up at Vienna, the Courts of Austria, France, England, and Prussia are convinced that that document by no means prejudices the sovereign rights and dignity of his Majesty the Sultan.
That conviction is founded on the positive assurances which the Cabinet of St. Petersburg has given in regard to the intentions by which his Majesty the Emperor of Russia is animated in requiring a general guarantee of the religious immunities granted by the Sultans to the Greek Church within their empire.
It results from these assurances that in requiring, in virtue of the principles laid down in the treaty of Kainardji, that the Greek religion and clergy should continue to enjoy their spiritual privileges under the protection of their sovereign the Sultan, the Emperor demands nothing contrary to the independence and the rights of the Sultan, nothing which implies an intention to interfere in the internal affairs of the Ottoman empire.
What the Emperor of Russia desires, is the strict maintenance of the religious status quo of his religion, that is to say, an entire equality of rights and immunities between the Greek Church and the other Christian communities, subjects of the Porte; consequently, the enjoyment by the Greek Church of the advantages already granted to those communities. He has no intention of resuscitating the privileges of the Greek Church which have fallen into disuse by the effect of time or administrative changes, but he requires that the Sultan should allow it to share in all the advantages which he shall hereafter grant to other Christian rites.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 129.
Lord Westmoreland, in transmitting this proposal to the English Government, adds:—'It is not believed that it ought to be considered in any way a condition onerous to the Porte, or unfitting for it to grant.' Now, let it be distinctly remarked, that not only Austria and Prussia, but France approved this proposal, and it was rejected at the instance of our Government alone. Lord Cowley, writing from Paris, October 4th, 1854, says to the Earl of Clarendon:—'I saw M. Drouyn de Lhuys later in the day.... He then said that the Emperor was inclined to view the proposed declaration favourably; that His Majesty thought that it guarded the points on which the French and English Governments had the most insisted.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 131.
Again, Lord Clarendon writes on October 7th, 1853, to Lord Cowley to this effect:—'On the 4th instant, Count Walewski informed me that the assurances as to the intentions of Russia contained in Count Buol's project of note, appeared satisfactory to the French Government, who were prepared with the concurrence of her Majesty's Government, to agree to the signature of that note by the Four Representatives in Constantinople, and that it should be offered to the Porte in exchange for the note originally sent from Vienna.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 140.
But our Government peremptorily rejected the proposal. 'Lord Clarendon writes to Lord A. Loftus, requesting him to state to Baron Manteuffel, that it is quite impossible for her Majesty's Government now, under any circumstances or conditions whatever, to recommend the adoption of the Vienna note to the Porte.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 132.
90.  This allusion to the withdrawal of the troops before winter seems to have had reference to the Vienna, and not the Olmutz note, for we find the Earl of Westmoreland, writing from Vienna, September 14th, 1853, says:—'Count Buol stated that Baron Meyendorff had received a second despatch from Count Nesselrode, expressing the great disappointment felt by the Emperor of Russia at the modification of the original note by the Porte, and his regret at the consequent delay in the execution of the order which had already been prepared for commencing the evacuation of the Principalities, and which would have taken place immediately upon the Emperor's receiving the assurance that that note had been adopted by the Porte and would be presented to him. Count Nesselrode declares in this despatch that this measure will be still carried out, if the Emperor should receive a satisfactory assurance from the Sultan in time for the evacuation to take place during the month of October; later in the year it would not be possible to move the troops.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 106.
91.  Lord Stratford de Redcliffe writes under date of Constantinople, September 26th, 1853:—'The Turkish Council has given its decision in favour of war.... The efforts of the Four Representatives to obtain a pacific solution were fruitless, as well as those which I made this morning, subsequently to the arrival in the course of the night of your despatches forwarded by the Triton.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 130.
Again, M. Drouyn de Lhuys, in a despatch to Count Walewski, dated Paris, October 4th, 1853, writes:—'Whilst the Russian army is approaching the Danube, the Porte, notwithstanding the unanimous efforts of the Representatives of France, of Austria, of Great Britain, and of Prussia, and without being yet acquainted with the new interpretation which Count Nesselrode has given to the note put forth by the Conference, has persisted for the second time, in its resolution, and declared, that this note, in its original terms, was for ever inadmissible. The Divan has unanimously devolved on the Sultan the duty of declaring war,'—Blue Book, part ii, p. 136.
92.  They insisted upon war, not only against the advice, but against the almost agonizing entreaties, of the Western Powers, and especially of the English Government. Nothing is more manifest from the latter parts of these Blue Books, than that the Turks felt that they were absolute masters of the situation—that they could safely spurn all efforts at conciliation, because England and France had placed themselves in such a position that, according to the language of Lord Clarendon, 'they must perforce side with Turkey.' Thus Lord Stratford, on the 20th of September, represents himself as 'imploring' Reshid Pacha, at least to suspend (Blue Book, part ii. p. 149) the declaration of war for a short time; and on the 1st October, this same Reshid Pacha, after declaring that the Turkish Government had, in spite of the 'imploring' entreaty of our Ambassador, 'determined upon going to war,' instructs the Turkish Ambassador in London in these cool words:—'The Imperial Government, under existing circumstances, reckons upon the moral and material support of England and France; and it is to that object that the language which you have to hold at London should be directed.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 151. It is clear, also, that Lord Clarendon and Lord Stratford de Redcliffe felt, that they had placed England helplessly in the power of the Turks, and it would be almost ludicrous, but for the painful consequences involved, to see the eager and impotent efforts made by them both, when it was too late, to lay the spirit they had raised at Constantinople.
Lord Clarendon, writing October 24th, 1853, says:—'It is my duty to inform your Excellency, that her Majesty's Government observe with regret that due attention has not been paid by the Turkish Government to the advice tendered by your Excellency, with a sincere regard for the Sultan's own interests, and when, with no other motive than that of preserving peace without detriment to the honour and independence of the Sultan, you desired that the declaration of war and the commencement of hostilities, should be delayed, until all attempts at negotiation should have proved unsuccessful. And what is the explanation? Why, that the French and English had gone too far, and could not retreat, for Lord Cowley in trying to persuade M. Drouyn de Lhuys, that the Olmutz note, which the French Emperor was willing to accept, ought to be rejected, says very signficantly, "I asked M. Drouyn de Lhuys whether the Emperor had considered...the position in which the two Governments would find themselves, if, with their fleets before Constantinople, they pressed the acceptance of the Vienna note (i.e. with the Olmutz addition) upon the Porte, and the Porte persisted in her refusal, and war was the consequence?"'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 131. So again, Lord Stratford, writing on November 17th, 1853, after telling Lord Clarendon, that 'a new proposition' presented by himself and the French Ambassador to the Porte, had no chance of acceptance, 'even in a modified shape,' adds:—'I have hitherto exerted my almost solitary efforts in favour of peace under every conceivable disadvantage, including even that which results in Turkish estimation, from the presence of the allied squadrons in these waters.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 271. Writing later on the same day, he says:—'Your Lordship may be assured that I omitted nothing which my instructions, my recollections, or my reflection could suggest, in order to make an impression on his (Reshid Pacha's) mind. I lament to say that all my efforts were unavailing.... I did, however, the only thing which remained for me to do at the moment. I took my leave with evident marks of disappointment and dissatisfaction, expressing in strong terms my apprehension, that the Pacha would one day have reason to look back with painful regret on the issue of our interview.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 281.
Lord Stratford next tries the Sultan himself, in presenting to him 'Vice-Admiral Dundas and the officers under his command.' The result he describes in the following language:—'After the officers had retired, I saw the Sultan in private, and availed myself of the opportunity...to press the arguments I had already employed in favour of peace. Whatever impression I may have made on his Majesty's mind—and his manner encouraged some hope in that respect, especially on the score of humanity, and of the approach of winter—his language was in complete accordance with that of his minister.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 288. And when at length the importunities and reproaches of the Western Powers extorted from the Porte a reluctant promise to suspend the commencement of hostilities, for a few days, that promise was broken. Lord Clarendon writing to Lord Stratford, November 8th, 1853, says:—'Her Majesty's Government entirely approve the proceedings adopted by your Excellency, as reported in your despatch of the 21st ultimo, for preventing the commencement of hostilities, and they much regret that the promise you obtained to that effect should not have been acted upon. Her Majesty's Government are anxious to receive the explanation upon this subject, which your Excellency has doubtless demanded from the Porte.'—Blue Book, part ii. p. 219.
93.  Lord Clarendon, in his letter of instructions to Lord Stratford, when returning to Constantinople, says:—'The accumulated grievances of foreign nations, which the Porte is unable or unwilling to redress, the mal-administration of its own affairs, and the increasing weakness of the executive power in Turkey, have caused the allies of the Porte latterly to assume a tone alike novel and alarming, and which, if persevered in, may lead to a general revolt among the Christian subjects of the Porte, and prove fatal to the independence and integrity of the empire....
'Your Excellency's long residence at the Porte, and intimate knowledge of the affairs of Turkey, will enable you to point out those reforms and improvements which the Sultan, under his present difficulties, may have the means of carrying into effect, and in what manner the Porte may best establish a system of administration calculated to afford reasonable security for the development of its commercial measures and the maintenance of its independence, recognized by the great Christian Powers on presumption of its proving a reality, and a stable bond of peace in their respective relations with the Porte, and generally through the Levant. Nor will you disguise from the Sultan and his Ministers that perseverance in their present course must end in alienating the sympathies of the British nation, and making it impossible for Her Majesty's Government to shelter them from the impending danger, or to overlook the exigencies of Christendom exposed to the natural consequences of their unwise policy and reckless mal-administration.'—Blue Book, part i. pp. 81, 82.
Lord Stratford writing to M. E. Pisani, from Therapia, June 22nd, 1853, says:—'You will communicate to Reshid Pacha the several extracts of consular reports from Scutari, Monastir, and Prevesa, annexed to this instruction. You will observe that they relate in part to those acts of disorder, injustice, and corruption, sometimes of a very atrocious kind, which I have frequently brought by your means to the knowledge of the Ottoman Porte. It is with extreme disappointment and pain, that I observe the continuance of evils which affect so deeply the welfare of the empire, and which assume a deeper character of importance in the present critical state of the Porte's relations with Russia.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 383.
Again, on July 4th, he writes:—'I have frequently had occasion of late, and indeed for some years back, to bring to the knowledge of the Porte, such atrocious instances of cruelty, rapine, and murder, as I have found, with extreme concern, in the Consular reports, exhibiting generally the disturbed and misgoverned condition of Roumelia, and calling loudly for redress from the Imperial Government. The character of these disorderly and brutal outrages may be said with truth, to be in general, that of Mussulman fanaticism, excited by cupidity and hatred against the Sultan's Christian subjects.... The more pressing and obvious wants are these; the correction, by means of explanation and control, of that fanatical and licentious spirit which now influences the Mussulman population; some special means for the protection of the loyal and peaceably disposed, whether Mussulman or Rayah, an efficient responsibility on the part of the local governors and magistrates towards the Supreme Government; a more regular and judicious exercise of authority in the collection of supplies, and the direction of persons acting in concert with the army; relief for the labouring and rural classes, etc.'—Blue Book, part i. pp. 383, 384. That is, in other words, 'the pressing and obvious wants,' included almost everything necessary to constitute an organized government.
94.  Colonel Rose, writing to the Earl of Malmesbury, November 20th, 1852, says:—'M. de Lavelette (the French Ambassador at Constantinople) has induced the Porte to address to him a note, which nullifies the status quo established by the Firman to the Greeks, and states that nothing can be done by the Porte affecting the treaty of 1740, without the consent of France. The French Government have expressed their approbation of this note.' He is represented as 'announcing the extreme measures he would take should the Porte leave any engagements to him unfulfilled.' 'He has,' it is added, 'more than once, talked of the appearance in that case, of a French fleet off Jaffa; and once he alluded to a French occupation of Jerusalem, when, he said, we shall have all the sanctuaries!'—Blue Book, part i. p. 49.
Lord John Russell, in a despatch to Lord Cowley, dated Foreign Office, January 28th, 1853, says:—'But her Majesty's Government cannot avoid perceiving that the Ambassador of France at Constantinople was the first to distrust the status quo in which the matter rested, and if report is to be believed, the French Ambassador was the first to speak of having recourse to force, and to threaten the intervention of a French fleet, to enforce the demands of his country.'—Blue Book, part i. p. 67.
95.  Many illustrations of this might be given, but we restrict ourselves to one, which seems to be an almost exact counterpart of that for which Russia is now so vehemently condemned. In 1841, our own Government united with the King of Prussia, in making certain demands of the Porte on behalf of the Protestants in Turkey. Lord Palmerston on July 26th, 1841, thus wrote to Lord Ponsonby, then our Ambassador at Constantinople:—'I have to acquaint your Excellency, that the Government of her Majesty adopts with great earnestness the plan proposed by the King of Prussia, as detailed in the enclosed paper, for affording to European Protestants encouragement to settle and purchase land in the Turkish dominions, and for securing to Protestants, whether native subjects of the Porte or foreigners who have settled in Turkey, securities, and protection similar to those which Christians of other denominations enjoy'—(the very samething that the Czar asked for the Greeks). The first instalment of this demand was for permission to build a protestant church at Jerusalem. This was refused by the Ottoman Court. Lord Ponsonby writes to Lord Aberdeen thus: 'I had a final interview with Rifaat Pasha this day, at which I renewed all the arguments in support of the demand for permission to build a church at Jerusalem. The Pasha will send me an official note on the 9th, containing his reply to what I have said on the subject, and containing the refusal of the demand. The Ottoman ministers are not personally averse to what has been asked, but they are overruled by the fears of the Ulemas in the council, having Sheik Al Islam at their head. I spoke strongly to Rifaat and pointed out the risk the Porte incurred of giving offence to her Majesty's Government, by denying to them that which they had granted to others, and told him that he was in error when he denied our right; and I claimed it, not only on the ground set forth in my official note, but specifically on the right of the most ancient of our customs. I maintained that we have a right, founded on treaty, that all the privileges, of every kind, granted to the French, should be considered as belonging equally to us, and that to refuse them would possibly be considered an insult. His Excellency Rifaat Pasha said it was no insult. I replied, that, unfortunately, it did not depend on the opinion of his Excellency, and that her Majesty's Government might think it an insult.' In a letter afterwards addressed by Lord Ponsonby to Rifaat Pasha, he clenches the matter with the following very significant threat:—'IT REMAINS FOR YOUR EXCELLENCY TO CONSIDER WHAT MAY BE THE CONSEQUENCES OF A VIOLATION BY THE SUBLIME PORTE OF ITS TREATIES WITH GREAT BRITAIN,'—Blue Book, Correspondence respecting the Condition of Protestants in Turkey, 1841-51, pp. 5-8.
The Porte yielded, of course; but if it had not, does any man doubt that England would have made some naval demonstration by way of 'material guarantee' for the accomplishment of her wish?
96.  'There never has been a great State whose power for external aggression has been more overrated than Russia. She may be impregnable within her own boundaries, BUT SHE IS NEARLY POWERLESS FOR ANY PURPOSE OF OFFENCE.'—Lord Palmerston in the House of Commons last session.
97.  'The people—the many-handed, many-mouthed people—will apparently have to pay this same year 37 per cent. more for their bread than they did last year. Perhaps the most striking way of putting it, is to remind the working classes that every man, woman, and child is supposed to consume, one with another, a quarter of wheat a year; so that the head of a family of five persons will find that his year's bread will cost £7 10s. more than last year.... There is no deficiency which the Black Sea could not easily supply. But there is the difficulty. Wheat that would fetch 70s. or 80s. here, is only worth 20s. in ports affected by our blockade. The operations of war are of first necessity; and, hard as it may seem to deprive the poor corn grower of his price, unreasonable as it may seem to deprive the British workman of cheap bread, still, if the blockade is necessary for the reduction of the foe, there is no help for it.'—Times.
Part IV, Essay I
98.  Letter from John Bright to T. B. Potter, July 31st, 1877.
Part IV, Essay IV
99.  Since then the Canadian Government has explained that it will not give up protection of Canadian as against British manufacturers, though it may be willing to increase differential duties against foreign countries.
100.  See Board of Trade Return, C. 6394 of 1891, pp. 71-79. The figures have been continued from the most recent Statistical Abstract of the United Kingdom. By Canada Lord Farrer seems to have intended British North America, which includes Newfoundland, a distinct colony and customs area.—F. W. H.
101.  See note on p. 459.
102.  See Statistical Abstract of the United Kingdom. Here again the figures for imports are slightly vitiated by the inclusion of Newfoundland. It is a defect of the Statistical Abstract that it does not give the imports from Canada alone.—F. W. H.
103.  Board of Trade Return, C. 6394 of 1891, pp. 71-97. The figures have been continued from the Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom.
104.  In 1900, 11,738,000 tons of shipping were engaged in the direct trade between the United Kingdom and the United States, of which 10,162,000 were British, 541,000 American, and 1,035,000 foreign.—F. W. H.
105.  See Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom, and C. 7875 of 1895.
106.  See Statistical Abstract for the United Kingdom, and C. 7875 of 1895.
107.  See Statistical Abstract for the Colonies, C. 7904 of 1895.
108.  See Return C. 6394 of 1891, above referred to, pp. 71-79.
109.  Merchant's Petition, 1820.
110.  The Merchant's Petition will be found set out at the beginning of this volume.—F. W. H.
111.  See an excellent article on 'The Colonies,' p. 10, of the Times of 29th June, 1896.