Cyclopædia of Political Science, Political Economy, and the Political History of the United States
1.  By an act of the first year of the reign of William and Mary (1689) there was given a bounty or gratuity of three shillings per quarter of grain exported. The amount of bounty was, as may be surmised, very variable according to the year. We are making a very low estimate here in giving it an average of only £20,000. In 1748 and in 1749 it exceeded £200,000, and in 1750 it reached no less than £323,405.
2.  The subsidies which savings banks received in France on their commencement were given by wealthy private individuals rather than by the government, which at first did little more than sanction them, although it afterward took upon itself the task of directing them when they had no longer any need of its help. But this fact does not seem to us to alter the correctness of our conclusions.
3.  It is neither necessary nor desirable to give here a list of the local or special industrial exhibitions not mentioned in the text. The world's fairs and international expositions following the first in London in 1851, are: the exposition held in New York in 1853: that in Munich, in 1854; that in Paris, in 1855; the Paris international agricultural exposition in 1856; the second world's fair in London, and the agricultural exposition at Battersea in 1862; the international expositions in Dublid and Oporto in 1865; the agricultural expositions at Stettin, Cologne and Crofurt; the second world's fair in Paris; the international horticultural exposition in Hamburg, 1869; the international exposition in Graz, 1870; the international art exposition in Kensington Gardens, London, 1871; the Moscow international exposition in 1872; the world's fair in Vienna in 1873; the international agricultural exposition in Bremen in 1874; the American centennial exposition at Philadelphia in 1876; the Paris exposition of 1878.
—"Expositions have met with opponents who have pointed out wherein they are wanting, but there can be no doubt that they have great advantages. From whatever point of view we look at them, whether material or intellectual, politico-economical or merely commercial or industrial, they exert a decided influence on the welfare of nations. They are the milestones of progress, the measure of the dimensions of the productive activity of the human race. Many new branches of production have either been called into existence or greatly extended by their agency. They make people acquainted with the market. They cultivate taste. They afford material for valuable comparison. They bring nations closer to one another, and thus promote civilization. They awaken new wants and lead to an increase of demand in the markets of the world. They have contributed to the spread of a taste for art, and encouraged the genius of artists." (See Brockhaus. Conversationslexicon art. Ausstellung.)
4.  The statistics for this division are presented here with the statement what they are merely approximate, the final revision of figures for the gulf states not having yet been completed, (June 15, 1882)
5.  This does not include the Alaska coast, nor the bays and founds of the general coast line, except Long Island sound.
6.  This estimate is subject to revision.
7.  See article by M.Ed. de Luze on "Les Peches times de Terre Neaveet d'Islands," in the Ba Letin de la Societé de Geographie Comerciale de Paris, Jane, 1879.
8.  The development of France to its present dimensions was very slow, and extended over many centuries. At the end of the ninth century France was divided, like Germany, among a large number of independent princes and lords. But the territorial development of the French empire took an altogether different course from that of Germany, for, while in Germany the princely power gradually superseded the empire, until nothing was left of the latter but the mere name, in France royalty gradually absorbed the power of the princes. Under the last of the Carlovingian rulers the possessions of the crown extended no farther than the districts of Sossionais, Laonais, Beauvoisis and Amiénais. Hugues Capet added to them the duchy of Francien with the cities of Paris and Orleans, making the former the capital of the new kingdom. At that time the feudal system had been established in France. The larger feudal lords acknowledged no other authority than that of the king. These immediate vassals of the crown had themselves a large number of lesser vassals, and these in turn lorded it over the still lesser tenantry. Among the immediate vassals were the dukes of Aquitaine, Burgundy and Normandy, the counts of Toulouse, Flanders, Vermandois and Champagne, the lords (sires) of Concy and Beaujeu, etc. In the course of time all these territories became possessions of the crown, partly by donation and by marriage and inheritance, and partly by the right of conquest, and were embodied into the duchy of Francien. Out of the union of these crown lands and the territories acquired by conquest from neighboring states, grew the political division of France which was maintained from the time of Louis XIV. until the year 1790.
—The first king of France who successfully attempted territorial expansion was Philippe I, who in 1094 bought the province of Berri from the counts of Bourges and united it with the crown lands. The next large territorial acquisition was made under King Philippe Auguste, who in 1204, after a successful war against Richard Cœur de Lion and John of England recovered not only the counties of Anjou. Maine, Tourraine and Poitou, but also the duchy of Normandy from these his most powerful vassals. Although these provinces were reconquered by England in the following wars for the succession between that power and France (which covered a period of over 100 years), and were for some time taken possession of by the former, they were, under Charles VII., again and permanently reunited with France. Philippe Auguste acquired, besides, the county of Artois, which he received in 1199 as dowry of his wife, also the counties of Vermandois, Alençon, Auvergne, Evrenx and Valois. In 1208 he enfeoffed his cousin Philippe de Dreux with Brittany, thereby establishing a branch of the dynasty in this province. Further progress in territorial acquisition was made under Louis surnamed the Saint, who in 1229 compelled the counts of Toulouse not only to recognize the authority of the king, but also to cede a considerable portion of their estates, stipulating that the whole of this country was to fall to the crown in case of their family becoming extinct. Louis' son and successor, Philippe III., after the demise of the last of the house of Toulouse in 1272, took possession of this beautiful country, but not until 1361 was it solemnly joined to the crown. Philippe IV. also made some new acquisitions. Besides the viscounty Soule in 1306, he acquired in 1307 the county of Lyonnais, which Peter of Savoy lost, refusing to take the oath of allegiance); and by his marriage with Jeanne of Navarre gave rise to the hereditary claims of France to the provinces of Champagne and of Brie, both of which were in 1861 forever united with the crown. Although with the accession of the house of Valois to the throne the duchy of Valois was returned to the crown in 1328, and Philippe in 1349 received Danphiny as a gift from Humbert II. upon condition that every lineal successor to the throne should be called dauphin, the long and bloody war that ensued in consequence of this change of dynasty between England and France for the possession of the latter country, put a stop for over 100 years to territorial acquisition by the French kings, and even resulted in considerable retrocession; for Jean, made prisoner in the battle of Poitiers in 1356, could only purchase his liberty with the treaty of Brittany in 1360, by which the king of England was acknowledged in the possession of Guyenne and Limousin and received besides Poiton, Aunis, Salutonge and Angonnai. The French kings, with the expulsion of the English under Charles VII., regained their old possession. Under Louis XI., son and successor of Charles VII., the already powerful state added considerably to its territory. This ruler succeeded in 1477, after the death of Charles the Bold, in uniting the duchy of Burgundy with the French crown. By bequest of Charles, the last count of Anjou, Louis XI. in 1481 inherited the district of the Provence; he conquered in the same year Boulonnais and united Picardy with France. With his son and successor Charles VIII. ended, in 1488, the direct male succession of the dukes of Brittany. The last duchess of Brittany, Anna, became the wife of Charles VIII, and afterward of Louis XII; and her daughter Claudia married Francis I., thereby securing that powerful state to France. Under Francis I. the French founded their first non-European colony, in Canada.
—The subsequent pause in territorial expansion was caused by the religio-political agitation of the sixteenth century. The next important acquisition comprised the three bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun under Henry II. With the accession of Henry IV. the rest of the kingdom of Navarre situated on the French side of the Pyrenees, part of which had been taken in 1512 by the Spanish, came, together with Béarn and Foix, into the possession of France; Henry IV. also acquired the territories of Bresse and Bugey, which the duke of Savoy was compelled to cede in 1601. Under Louis XIII. the islands of St. Christopher, Martinique and Guadeloupe, also Cayenne in Guiana, were colonized, the conquest of Arras in 1640 secured Artois for the crown (confirmed in 1713 by the treaty of Utrecht), and in 1641 the territories of Cerdagne and Rousillon were conquered. Louis XIV. secured the possession of these latter dominions as well as the cession of Charolais by his marriage with Infanta Maria Theresa. By the Westphalian peace treaty he acquired the whole of Alsace with the exception of a few towns, and was confirmed in the possession of his former acquisitions, the bishoprics of Metz, Toul and Verdun. He united Dombes and Nivernais with the crown, took in 1667 so-called French Flanders from the Spanish, conquered in 1668 and 1674 the Franche-Comté, in the possession of which he was confirmed by the treaty of Nimeguen in 1678: he took Strasburg in 1681, and established colonies on the islands of Marie Galante, St. Barthélemy, Bourbon and Grenade. He obtained a footing in the western part of Domingo and on the Senegal, increased the transatlantic colonies by the settlement at Fort Dauphin in Madagascar, by the island of St. Martin, by New Orleans and Louisiana, a territory of about three million square kilometres; he declared the vast plains contiguous to Lake Michigan a French possession, and acquired the island of cape Breton. He established the first settlement at Mauritius; laid the foundation for the East Indian colonies by his acquisition of Pondichéry and the establishment of the factories at Chandernagor, and left to his grandson a realm of 522,800 square kilometres in Europe and almost 4,400,000 square kilometres outside of Europe. While during the more than fifty years of his reign the European possessions of France were increased by Lorraine, in accordance with the preliminary treaty of Vienna; by the island of Corsica from Genoa in 1768, and several border districts of the duchy of Savoy, altogether about 27,500 square kilometres, almost all the American possessions, as well as the possessions on the Senegal, were, in accordance with the first treaty of Versailles in 1763, ceded to England. After the subsequent cession of Louisiana and New Orleans to Spain in 1769 the colonies outside of Europe were reduced to 102,748 square kilometres, while the European territory was increased to 549,570 square kilometres, with twenty-five million inhabitants. By the second treaty of Versailles in 1783 France recovered the possessions on the Senegal, the free fisheries at Newfoundland, and the islands of St. Pierre and Miquelon: it acquired the island of Tabago, but sold St. Barthélemy to Sweden, increasing the colonial area to 105,940 square kilometres. In 1789 the national assembly proclaimed Corsica an integral part of the French empire, as likewise in 1791 the districts of Avignon and of Venaisein, till then under the authority of the pope.
—During the twelve years duration of the French republic (1792 to 1804) France acquired: Belgium (in 1792), Savoy and Nice (in 1793), the Batavian territory on the left bank of the river Scheldt and the territory on both sides of the Meuse river south and inclusive of Venloo (in 1794), the Spanish part of San Domingo (in 1794), the Ionian islands (in 1797), the entire left bank of the Rhine, Elba, Guiana to the mouth of the Amazon (in 1801), Louisiana (in 1800, but in 1803 sold to the United States), and Piedmont (in 1802). The conquests of Napoleon I. as emperor in 1812 had increased the area of the immediate French territory to 770,000 square kilometres, with 42,500,000 inhabitants, and with the mediate dependencies of Italy, the Rhenish confederation, Switzerland, Naples, Warsaw and Dantzig, the supremacy of the French emperor extended over 1,624,000 square kilometres, with more than severity three millton inhabitants. The first treaty of Paris in 1814 reduced the boundaries of France to their limits on Jan. 1, 1792, with the addition, however, of Quiévrain, Philippeville, Marienburg, Saarlouis and Saarbruck, Landau, the district of Gex and a part of Savoy, confirming the annexation of Avigron, Venaissin, Monthéliard and the former German districts; and with the reduction of the colonial possessions to the limit of Jan. 1, 1792, by the session of Tabago, St. Lucie and Isle-de-France to England. In the second treaty of Paris (1815). France lost her claims to the aforenamed concessions. In consequence of the Italian war of 1859 and in accordance with the treaty of March 21, 1860, the king of Sardinia ceded to France the whole of the duchy of Savoy and the western part of the county of Nice. While Savoy was divided into two departments, Savoie and Savoie Haute, Nice, together with two parishes of the principality of Monaco (Mentone and Roquebrune), was added to the department of the Alpes Maritimes. The area of these new acquisitions amounted to 15,142 square kilometres, with 669,000 inhabitants. In accordance with the preliminary treaty at Versailles, of February, 1871, the definitive treaty at Frankfort, of May 10, 1871, and the supplementary convention of Oct. 12, 1871. France ceded to the German empire: the entire department of the lower Rhine, most of the department of the upper Rhine (only Belfort with its immediate surroundings remained with France), parts of the departments of Moselle and Meurthe, and of the department of the Vosges the two cantons of Schirmeck and Saales, altogether 14 arrondissements, 97 cantons, 1,689 parishes, 14,492 square kilometres, with 1,597,228 inhabitants (according to the census of 1866).
—The acquisitions of France during the nineteenth century, outside of Europe, comprised in 1830, the gradually extended territory of Algeria; in 1842, the protectorate over the Marquesas islands in Oceanica, of which, however, according to the treaty of June 19, 1847, the islands of Hushine, Ralatea and Barabora were excepted in 1853, New Caledonia and the Loyalty islands: in 1859, Adulis on the Red sea; in 1862, Obok on the straits of Bab-el Mandel also in 1862, lower Cochin China, and the island of Condoré, and, in 1864, the protectorate over Cambodia. The colonial possessions of France therefore extended, in 1876, over the following territories: 1 In Asia: Pondichéry, Karikal, Mahé, Yanaon and Chandernagor in Hindostan; with 509 square kilometres and 266,300 inhabitants, and lower Cochin China with the island of Condoré, with 56,244 square kilometres and 1,292,220 inhabitants. 2. In Africa: Senegal, Gorée and dependencies, establishments on the Gold coast (Assinie) and Gabun in South Guinea, with a total population of 213 340 inhabitants; the island of Reumon, with 2,512 square kilometres and 211,525 inhabitants: near Madagascar, the islands of St. Marie, Mayotte and Nossibé, with 679 square kilometres and 26,000 inhabitants. 3. In America: French Guiana, with 121,413 square kilometres and 28,800 inhabitants; Guadeloupe, Marie-Galante, Désiderade, Les Saintes, one-third of St. Martin and Martinique among the Antilles in the West Indies, with 2,833 square kilometres and 327,500 inhabitants; in St. Pierre and Miquelon, near New Foundland, with 210 square kilometres and 4,383 inhabitants; altogether, 124,456 square kilometres, with 360,680 inhabitants; 4 In Oceanica: New Caledonia and the neighboring Loyalty islands, with 19,720 square kilometres and 59,200 inhabitants; and the Marquesas islands, with 1,239 square kilometres and 10,000 inhabitants; a total of 20,959 square kilometres, with 69,200 inhabitants. The total colonial possessions of France in 1876, therefore, amounted to 205,400 square kilometres, with 2,186,000 inhabitants. Adding to this the province of Algeria, with 669,000 square kilometres and 2,414,000 inhabitants, the immediate possessions of France outside of Europe amount to 874,400 square kilometres, with 4,600,000 inhabitants.
—The territories under French protectorate are: in Asia, Cambodia, with 83,860 square kilometres and 1,000,000 inhabitants; in Oceanica, the archipelagos of Tahiti, Tubai, Tuamotu and Gambier (Society islands), with 8,083 square kilometres and 23,500 inhabitants; altogether, 91,943 square kilometres, with 1,023,500 inhabitants.
9.  The population of France, according to the census report just issued, is 37,672,048, an increase of 766,260 in five years. The population of the four largest cities is as follows: Paris, 2,269,023; Lyons, 376,613; Marseilles, 360 099; Bordeaux, 221,305. 53 departments, chiefly manufacturing and commercial, show an increase; 34 departments, mostly agricultural, show a decrease. ("Times," Sept. 8, 1882.)
10.  The city of Paris and some others (like Elbeuf) were omitted.
11.  12 million kilogrammes in 1816; 13 millions in 1817; 20 millions in 1820; 29 millions in 1830; 53 millions in 1840; 59 millions in 1830; 84 millions in 1836; 73 millions in 1857; 79 millions in 1858; 123 millions in 1860, and the same in 1861; 30 millions in 1862 (crisis); 182 millions in 1869.
12.  We give the special commerce, that which indicates French consumption and production. General commerce besides includes the figures for the transportation and warehouse charges. The amount of merchandise which enters free is the same for general and for special commerce.
13.  There are no such statements as the following for special commerce.
14.  We know that in the 2,000 or 3,000 francs which the small manufacturer gains, wages, profit and interest are included; but we do not know at what interest he borrows often his little capital, and there remains to him something, moreover, after he has satisfied the usurer.
15.  This amount is based in part upon the table which follows, and which is taken from the figures of the budget of 1873. This table indicates the basis of the tax of 3 per cent. upon the revenue from personal property.
16.  If this estimate is well founded, and certain calculations have given us a higher figure, the budget of 2,000,000,000 would form a fifteenth part, or 6½ per cent. of the revenue of the nation, and a budget of 2,500,000,000 would be the twelfth part, or 8½ per cent.
17.  According to the latest official returns the distribution of the soil of France was as follows:
The cultivated land of France is divided into 5,550,000 distinct properties. Of this total the properties averaging 600 acres numbered 50,000, and those averaging 60 acres 500,000, while there were five millions of properties under six acres.
—The general commerce of France in 1880 was valued in imports at 4,860,000,000 francs, and in exports at 4,800,000,000 francs. The following table gives the value in francs of the total imports and total exports of the special commerce—exclusive of coin and bullion—in each of the years 1871-80:
—The following statement shows the value of each of the four groups of imports and of the three groups of exports, according to classification adopted by the French bouane, or custom house, in each of the years 1879 and 1880:
The imports of coin and bullion—not included here—were of the value of 295,759,000 francs, and the exports of the value of 475,078,000 francs, in the year 1880. The annual production of raw silk in France was as follows during the years 1874-8:
The total production of coal amounted to 16,804,500 tons 1877, and 18,857,327 tons in 1880. It has more than double since 1880. Of iron (fontes), France produced 1,733,102 tons in 1880.
18.  One of the most curious illustrations under this head is to be found in the recent experience of the United States, which, in 1878, made obligatory by statute the purchase and coinage of silver bullion to the extent of not less than two millions of dollars per month. The ostensible reason for such an enactment, was to afford to the people and business of the country a larger measure of coin currency. The real reason was to create for the silver mining interests of Colorado and other sections, an artificial and larger market for their product. The result was, that the additional coinage being both unnecessary and inconvenient it remained to a great extent dormant in the public treasury: a large amount of what would otherwise have been useful merchandise, available for exchanges, was withdrawn from the channels of industry and commerce; and an unnecessary tax of two millions of dollars per month, amounting in the aggregate at present writing (1882), to more than one hundred millions of dollars, has been imposed on the people and other industries of the country for a comparatively small measure of benefit to certain sectional and private interests.
19.  The difference in wages in the same industries in different sections of the United States, is well illustrated in the following returns of wages in the iron industries of different states, made under the census of 1880: Unskilled labor in blast furnaces, in Virginia, 82 cents per day; in Alabama. 98 cents; in Pennsylvania, $1.09; and in Missouri, $1.29. Skilled labor in iron rolling mills, in Alabama, $2.25 per day; in Massachusetts, $2.70; in Pennsylvania, $3.03; in Ohio, $3.87; and in Kentucky, $4.62. The yearly average wages in the aggregate iron industries of the different sections of the United States are reported as follows. Eastern states, $417; Western, $396; Pacific, $354; Southern, $304.
20.  Importation in 1840 prohibited.
21.  The following tables, compiled from the official reports of the United States treasury, show the total value of all the domestic merchandise exported from the United States during the three decades, 1859-60, 1869-70, and 1879-80; and also what proportion of such exports was made up of agricultural products and petroleum. All other articles not included in this list are regarded as manufactured products.
These figures represent, approximately, the value of the exports of unmanufactured products; and the difference between their total and the aggregate amount of exports (exclusive of specie) will very closely approach the value of the shipments of manufactures. The total value of the exports of merchandise for the fiscal year 1879-80 was $823,946,000. Of this amount, $721,700,000 consisted of unmanufactured products, chiefly agricultural, leaving $102,246,000 as the value of the exports of manufactures. How these figures compare with those of ten and twenty years previous will appear from the following statement:
Compared with 1869-70, the exports of unmanufactured products show an increase of 121½ per cent, while in manufactured articles the increase is only 103¾ per cent. The ten years covered by this comparison was a period during which the present high tariff was in full operation; and yet it will be seen that the ratio of increase in the exports of manufactures falls below that on manufactured, or chiefly agricultural products, by 17½ per cent. Comparing 1880 with 1859-60, when the United States had a low revenue tariff, the increase in the exports of agricultural products appears to have been 177½ per cent. and in manufactures only 82½; or the ratio of increase in the protected articles was less than one-half of that which occurred in the unprotected articles. Or, to put the comparison in another form, the ratio of exports of agricultural and manufactured products, respectively, to the total exports was as follows, at each of these decennial periods:
22.  The first five annuities were paid; but after Boyer, President Herard was only able to pay the first annuity of the second series, and the payment of the debt was interrupted from 1844 to 1848 inclusive. These five years were added to the arrears by a convention of May 15, 1849, between Soulouque and the French consul, Levasecur. The payments have since been regularly made, and in October, 1861, Hayti owed no more than 38,909,000 francs. That year the minister resident of Hayti, in paying the stipulated annuity, paid besides 800,000 more as interest on the loan and for the redemption of 350 bonds of 1,000 francs, by drawing, as is done every year in the month of June.
23.  The revenue and expenditure of Hayti are known only by estimates. The total public revenue is calculated to have amounted in recent years to about $4,500,000, and the expenditure to $7,000,000. There is a large floating debt, and also a foreign debt of $6,409,970. No interest has been paid for years on this debt. But still the government in 1875 issued with partial success a new foreign loan of $16,690,600, in order to extinguish the old debt, home and foreign, and to employ the remainder in building two lines of railways. The total annual imports of Hayti averaged, in the years 1875 to 1877, $5,900,000, and the exports, $6,560,000.
24.  This was, we believe, the last literary production of its rarely gifted, highly distinguished and widely lamented author. It was received about three or four weeks before his too early death.—J. J. L., ED.
25.  Vattel, book iii., chap. xv., § 232, asks no more than this. He is satisfied with aid since it seems impossible to him to indemnify every one for the damages caused by the chances of war. Grotius, book iii., chap. xx., § 8, recognized the solidarity of the nation.
26.  The "Times," of Aug. 9, 1871, in giving an account of the above discussion, in a leader, treats the doctrine of national solidarity with reference to acts of war (first part of proposition) as extravagant theories, and recalls the fact that, in a similar case, Cavour held analogous language, in 1859, which was approved by the parliament of Turin. For our own part, we can not admit recruiting by lot, and many other institutions which impose sacrifices on some citizens for the advantage of all, unless we rest on the principles of solidarity.
27.  Passy's report will be found in the Journal Officiel of the first days of April, 1873.
28.  "Not that the laws of the convention ever meant to proclaim the principle of absolute liberty in the matter of interest. It would be an error to suppose this: they only intended to remove the prohibitions on payments in money." (Troplong.)
29.  Reappointed.
30.  What good use was made of this alternative is shown by what Gallatin wrote in 1801; that, owing to improved methods of manufacture, distilleries had reduced the tax to three cents per gallon, and in a short time, by further improvements, would reduce it to three-fifths of one cent per gallon.
31.  Cours d' Economie Politique, 1st vol., 2d lesson. From this work we borrow such of these facts as relate to the mill of St. Maur, to iron and to spinning, which are presented there more in detail.
32.  The present rate of production (July, 1881) in the flouring mills of Washburn, Crosby & Co, Minneapolis, Minn., is such that the average product of a man's labor is the flour required for 3,983 persons, allowing three-fourths of a pound daily per individual, and considering that consumption continues one day more per week than product on. These mills employ 281 men (who work twelve hours per day—a part from noon to midnight and a part from midnight to noon, exclusive of workmen not connected directly with milling, such as carpenters, millwrights, machinists and laborers. The total daily production with this force is 5,000 barrels of flour per day of twenty-four hours.—E. J. L.
33.  A blast furnace now in operation in Kentucky has run off forty tons of iron per day for several successive days. By the aid of recent improvements, a better quality of metal is obtained from very refractory ores than was formerly obtained from ore more easily worked.—E. J. L.
34.  Watt took out a patent for his invention in 1769, and in 1775 obtained from parliament a prolongation of his patent for twenty-five years. (See Chambers' Encyc., Art. Watt.)—E. J. L.
35.  The Walter machine, on which the London "Times" and the New York "Times" are printed, gives 11,000 perfected sheets an hour. The Victory press will print, cut, fold, and paste at the back a twenty-four page sheet at the rate of 7,000 an hour. The Hoe perfecting press will give 12,000 or more perfected sheets in an hour. (See Appleton's Cyclopædia, 1880.)
36.  Montesquieu said: "Those machines which aim to shorten the process are not always useful. If an article sells at a middling price one equally advantageous for the buyer and the workman who made it, any machines which should simplify the process of manufacture, that is to say, which should diminish the number of workmen, would be injurious; and it mills propelled by water power were not established everywhere, I should not believe them as advantageous as people say they are, because they have deprived a great number of people of an opportunity to work cut off the use of the water from many fields, and have made many others lose their fruitfulness.' (Esprit des Lois, book xviii., chap. xv.) We reproduce here the whole substance of Montesquieu on this subject. We should remark that the illustrious publicist knew nothing of the marvels of modern industry, and that he wrote before Adam Smith and his successors had thrown upon economic questions the light to which his superior reason would not have been insensible.
37.  Ce qu'on voit et ce qu'on ne voit pas. (What people see, and what they do not see), brochure in 16mo, p. 50. (This pamphlet is one of Bastiat's essays on Political Economy, and included in the published American translation of the same.)—E. J. L.
38.  In England, before the invention of machines, there were estimated to be only 5,200 spinners at small wheels, and 2,700 weavers; in all, 7,900 workmen, while in 1787, ten years after the number of spinners, according to the report of an investigating committee, was estimated at 105,000, and of weavers, 217,000; in all, 352,000 workmen. Since then, machinery has changed, the same work is performed with much fewer workmen, and steam has taken the place of men in many kinds of labor, and yet the number of workmen has increased. Mr. Barnes, in his "History of the Cotton Manufacture,' (London, 1835), has shown that in 1883 there were 237,000 workmen spinning or weaving at machines, and 230 000 weaving by hand, in all, 487,000 persons. By grouping the workmen in the side industries, such as cloth printing, tulles, cap making, etc., Mr. Barnes reaches 800,000 or 1,500,000, if the old men, women and children are counted; and 2,000,000. if he includes the joiners and masons who build the factories, and the locksmiths who make the machines, without counting the women and the old men.
39.  Ricardo (chap. xxxi. of his "Principles" added to the 4th edition, translated into French in the Collection des Principaux Economistes,) examines the exceptional and theoretical case of sudden invention and application. He shows, likewise, that, in certain given cases, the invention or the industrial improvement may augment the net product while diminishing the raw product, and may displace workmen. But Ricardo is not on that account hostile to inventions. He says (p. 240, M'Culloch's edition): "The statements which I have made will not, I hope, lead to the inference that machinery should not be encouraged. To elucidate the principle, I have been supposing that improved machinery is suddenly discovered, and extensively used; but the truth is, that these discoveries are gradual, and rather operate in determining the employment of the capital which is saved and accumulated, than in diverting capital from its actual employment." (See, farther on, another quotation from the same author.)
40.  It is calculated that in 1847 the population was about 9,500,000.
41.  A worthy counterpart to this defense of Limerick was the heroic conduct of the Protestant Williamite garrison and population of Derry, who, despite the most cruel privations, gallantly kept the city against a Stuart-Irish besieging force, until the arrival of a relieving expedition.
42.  Surplus.
43.  Notably is this the case in the constitution of the United States and the constitutions of the several states of the Union. Says Judge Cooley, the eminent American jurist (Constitutional Limitations, p. 34): "Certain things are to be looked for in all these instruments [the constitutions of the several states of the American Union]. We are to expect * * * that the usual checks and balances of republican government, in which consist its chief excellencies, will be retained. The most important of these are the separate departments for the exercise of legislative, executive and judicial power; and these are to be kept as distinct and separate as possible, except in so far as the action of one is made to constitute a restraint upon the action of the others, to keep them within proper bounds, and to prevent hasty and improvident action. Upon legislative action there is, first, the check of the executive, who will generally be clothed with a qualified veto power, and who may refuse to execute laws deemed unconstitutional: and second, the check of the judiciary, who may annul unconstitutional laws, and punish those concerned in enforcing them. Upon judicial action there is the legislative check, which consists in the power to proscribe rules for the courts, and perhaps to restrict their authority; and the executive check, of refusing aid in enforcing judgments which are believed to be in excess of jurisdiction. Upon executive action the legislature has a power of restraint, corresponding with that which it exercises upon judicial action; and the judiciary may punish executive agents for any action in excess of executive authority. And the legislative department has an important restraint upon both the executive and the judiciary, in the power of impeachment for illegal or oppressive action, or for any failure to perform official duty. The executive in refusing to execute a legislative enactment. will always do so with the peril of impeachment in view." (See
44.  "This term was originally applied by Bentham to what was previously called the 'law of nations,' and it has been generally received as a more apt designation than that which it superseded. When the term 'law of nations' was in use, that of 'law of peace and war' was sometimes employed as a synonym, and as indicative of the boundaries of the subject. It was thus in its proper sense restricted to the disputes which governments might have with each other, and did not in general apply to questions between subjects of different states, arising out of the position of the states with regard to each other, or out of the divergences in the internal laws of the separate states. But under the more expressive designation, international law, the whole of these subjects, intimately connected with each other as they will be found to be, can be comprehended and examined, and thus several arbitrary distinctions and exclusions are saved. To show how these subjects are interwoven. the following instances maybe taken: A port is put in a state of blockade: a vessel of war of a neutral power breaks the blockade: this is distinctly a question between nations, to be provided for by the law of peace and war, in as far as there are any consuetudinary rules on the subject, and the parties will submit to them. But suppose a merchant vessel belonging to a subject of a neutral power attempts an infringement of the blockade, and is seized—here there is no question between nations in the first place. The matter is adjudicated on in the country which has made the seizure, as absolutely and unconditionally as if it were a question of internal smuggling; and it will depend on the extent to which just rules guide the judicature of that country, and not on any question settled between contending powers, whether any respect will be paid to what the party can plead in his own favor, on the ground of the comity of nations, or otherwise. But there is a third class of cases most intimately linked with these latter, but which are completely independent of any treaties, declarations of war. or other acts by nations toward each other They arise entirely out of the internal laws of the respective nations of the world, in as far as they differ from each other. The 'conflict of laws' is a term very generally applied to this branch of international law, and the circumstances in which it comes into operation are when the judicial settlement of the question takes place in one country. but some of the circumstances of which cognizance had to be taken have occurred in some other country where the law applicable to the matter is different.
—Thus the three leading departments of international law are: 1. The principles that should regulate the conduct of states to each other: 2. The principles that should regulate the rights and obligations of private parties, arising out of the conduct of states to each other, and 3. The principles that should regulate the rights and obligations of private parties, when they are affected by the separate internal codes of distinct nations.
—The first of these has been the principal subject of the well-known works of publicists, who have derived from general principles of morality and justice a series of minute abstract rules for the conduct of nations toward each other, and subsidiarily for the conduct of their subjects in relation to international questions. It has been usual to call this department the 'law of nature,' as well as the law of nations, on the supposition that, though it has not the support of the authority of any legislature, it is founded on the universal principles of natural justice.
—It is clear that thus in its large features, as a rule for the conduct of independent communities toward each other, the law of nations wants one essential feature of that which is entitled to the term law—a binding authority. Nations even the most powerful are not without checks in the fear of raising hostile combinations and otherwise; but there can be no uniformity in these checks; and in general when the interest is of overwhelming importance, and the nation powerful, it takes its own way. The importance of the questions which may be involved in the law of nations thus materially affects the question how far it is uniformly obeyed. In a set of minor questions, such as the safety of the persons of ambassadors, and their exemption from responsibility to the laws of the country to which they are accredited, and in other matters of personal etiquette, a set of uniform rules has been established by the practice of all the civilized world, which are rarely infringed. But in the more important questions, regarding what is a justifiable ground for declaring war, what territory a nation is entitled to the sovereignty of, what is a legitimate method of conducting a war once commenced. etc, the rules of the publicists are often precise enough; but the practice of nations has been far from regular, and has been, as every reader of history knows, influenced by the relative strength of the disputing parties more than by the justice of their cause. The later writers on this subject have from this circumstance directed their attention more to the means by which any system of international law can be enforced, than to minute and abstract statements of what may be theoretical justice, but has little chance of being enforced. They have found several circumstances which have an influence in the preservation of international justice, though of course no sanctions which can give it the uniformity and consistency of internal laws. The combinations for the preservation of what is called the balance of power are among the most useful restrictions of ambition. All periods of history furnish illustrations of this principle. Hume found that the Peloponnesian war was carried on for the preservation of the balance of power against Athens. The late war exhibited a noted illustration of combination to prevent universal conquest on the part of the French. The safety of small states from being absorbed by their larger neighbors, is in the jealousy which these neighbors feel of each other's aggrandizement. Thus the jealousy of rulers is one barrier to national injustice. Another is public opinion: sometimes that of the nation whose rulers would be prepared to commit injustice: sometimes that of other nations. Of course it can only be to a very limited extent that the public feeling of a despotic government can check the grasping spirit of its rulers; but the public feeling of the constitutional and democratic states is the great check on the injustice that might be perpetrated by a nation when it becomes so powerful as Great Britain.
—The seizure of the Danish fleet by the English has been a subject of warm censure in England. Necessity—even the plea that Napoleon would have used the fleet to invade the shores of England—has not been accepted in palliation of the act; and the manner in which it has been canvassed is very likely to prevent any British government from adopting the precedent. The partition of Poland is an instance of national injustice condemned by the public feeling of countries other than those by which it was perpetrated; and it may be questioned whether the states which accomplished the partition may not yet suffer by it. Good fame in the community of nations is like respectability in private circles, a source of power through external support; and the conduct of Russia toward Poland has frequently diverted from the former country the sympathy of free nations. It need scarcely be observed that the press, whether fugitive or permanent, is the most powerful organ of this public opinion, and that the views of able historians, jurista and moralists have much influence in the preservation of international justice. Among the principal subjects of dispute in this department of international law are: the sovereignty of territory and the proper boundaries of states, as in the question regarding the Oregon territory in North America; questions as to discovery and first occupancy of barbarous countries; questions as to any exclusive right to frequent certain seas—and here there is a well-known distinction between the broad ocean and the narrow seas that lie close to particular territories, questions regarding the right of navigation in rivers which may be either between the upper and lower territories, or between states on opposite banks; questions as to the right of harbor or fishing, etc.; and questions as to the right of trading with particular states. In cases of arbitration the national pride is not injured when that which is yielded to is the award of a neutral party, not the demand of an opponent. It has been suggested by Bentham and Mill that the civilized states of the world should establish among themselves a congress. which should adjudicate on all disputes between its members, the members being excluded from voting in their own disputes.
—The second department into which we have considered international law divided—the rights and obligations of individuals as affected by the conduct of states toward each other—has, like the first, been examined by the publicists in their theoretical manner; but it has never, perhaps, received so much practical illustration as it has in the British courts. In a despotic country it would of course scarcely ever occur that the bench should fail to give effect to the national policy of the government, whatever that may be. But in England it was the rule that foreigners as well as natives were entitled to the rigid administration of the law, and that, if the proceedings of the government were at variance with the rights of parties according to the law of peace and war, individuals might have redress. Thus, when Great Britain, in opposition to the Berlin decrees, tried to establish a 'paper blockade,' that is to say, by force of orders in council to declare places to be under blockade, whether there were a force present to support it or not, Sir William Scott found that 'in the very notion of a complete blockade, it is included that the besieging force can apply its power to every point in the blockaded state. If it can not, it is no blockade of that quarter where its power can not be brought to bear'.
—The third division of international law is that which most properly comes under the head 'conflict of laws,' viz. the principles that should regulate the rights and obligations of private parties when they are affected by the separate internal codes of distinct nations. This has some points in common with the preceding department of the subject." (Bohn.)
45.  This passage of Appian is very obscure, but it has certainly been misunderstood by Niebuhr. The Latin version is "Decretum praeterea est, nt ad curanda opera rustics cerium numerum liberorum aleret quiaque, qui ea quae agerentur inspicerent dominoque renunciarent." The word "domino" is an invention of the translator. The words may mean all "the produce," as in Thucydides (vi., 54); and this is a more probable interpretation than that given above.
46.  is probably corrupt.
47.  The precise meaning of this passage of Appian is uncertain. If the words refer to the produce, their duty was to make a proper return for the purpose of taxation, that is, of the tenths and fifths. But this passage requires further consideration. All that can be safely said at present is, that Niebuhr's explanation is not warranted by the words of Appian.
48.  The error of this statement appears from the writings of Aristotle. Vids Blanqui's Hist. of Polit. Econ., chap. ii., p. 10.—E. J. L.
49.  At home each one of the two grand dukes is called grand duke of Mecklenburg without any distinctive designation. If in 1701 a second line was formed, it was not without opposition, but space does not permit us to give its history.
50.  By the convention and the law of May 15, 1863, the financial organization of the country was sensibly improved; the tolls (octrois) were abolished and internal barriers replaced by custom houses on the frontiers, which are assimilated to those of Germany since 1867.
51.  "In a great number of cases, before and since my consulship, the senate has very wisely decided that the exportation of gold could not be allowed." (Oration for L., Flaccus, ch. 28.)
52.  A revolution took place in 1880, which overthrew Gen. Porfirio Diaz and installed in his place Gen. Gonzales. The administration is carried on by a council of six ministers, viz, of justice, finance, the interior, army and navy, foreign affairs, and public works.
—The revenue is more than two-thirds derived from customs duties, and about one-half of the expenditure is for the maintenance of the army. The expenditure has for many years exceeded the revenue. In the budget estimates for the financial year ending June 30, 1879, the revenue was estimated at $16,128 807 and the expenditure at $22,108,046.
—The public debt of Mexico, external and internal, was estimated at $125,500,000, but no official returns regarding it have been published since 1865, when the total debt was calculated at $317,357,250. The government of the republic does not recognize any portion of this debt, except the 6 per cent internal Mexican debt, and the interest on that has not been paid for many years. The following is an abstract of the debt as published in 1865:
—The population of Mexico in 1875 was estimated at 9,343,170 souls of which more than one-half were pure "Indians."
—The chief articles of export are silver, copper ores, cochineal, indigo, lndes, mahogany and other goods: articles of import are cotton and linen manufactures, wrought iron and machinery. More than two-thirds of the entire trade of Mexico is carried on with the United States, and the remainder with France, Germany and Great Britain. The total imports in 1876 were of the estimated value of $28,485,000, and the exports were estimated at $25,435,000, (the export of silver alone valued at $15,000,000).
—Mexico had 1,010 miles of railway open for traffic in 1881. The Inter Oceanic railway, across the isthmus of Tehuantepec, sixty miles long, was to have been opened at the end of 1882. In June, 1881, the total length of telegraph wires was 10,580 English miles. The postoffice carried 4,406,410 letters in 1879-80. At the end of June, 1881, Mexico had 873 postoffices.
53.  The writer was of counsel for Mrs. Surratt.
54.  The ton in this table is the gross ton of 2.240 pounds avoirdupois. The flask of quicksilver is 76½ avoirdupois. The barrel of petroleum is 42 gallons.
55.  The data which we possess for even an approximate estimate of the number of the followers of Islam are altogether inadequate In one place we find the Mussulman population stated at 270,000,000; in another it is reduced to 120,000,000. On account of the total absence of statistics and of serious censuses in Mohammedan countries we are unable to decide between numbers so different. Islamism has made very great progress in the interior of Africa and in China. There are no documents to show the number of these new followers, which increases every day. Strange phenomenon! Islamism is the religion which in the nineteenth century makes the greatest conquests. Mussulman missionaries setting out from Cairo and Muscat enter every part of Africa and find the most cordial reception among the negro populations. The favor which the monotheistic belief finds in certain parts of China, and the change which it effects in the minds of the population. are astonishing.
—The great division of Islamism (Shiites and Sunnites) seems at first sight to arise merely from a disagreement concerning an historical question; the Sunnites admit the authority of the first three caliphs. Abon-Bekr, Omar and Othman, while the Shiites admit the rights of Ali alone, and reject the legitimacy of all the dynasties which took the place of the descendants of Ali. But this division is in reality more serious. The rights of Ali were merely a pretext taken up with avidity by the more independent portions of Islam, to escape from what they considered unendurable in orthodox belief The Persian provinces especially embraced the worship of Ali with eagerness, since it offered them an occasion to hate the Arabs, to turn their maledictions on them for the murder of Hussein and Hassan, and to develop the mystical and mythological side of the Iranian imagination On close examination we shall find that a Shiite is not a real Mussulman, in the Arabic sense of the word, and, if I may say so, in the Semitic sense. He allows images; he delights in an epic literature, full of exploits of ancient pagan heroes, a species of demigods; the legend of Mohammed, as related by him is more like a poem on the Hindu-Krishna than the history of a prophet of God. In future this difference will no doubt become more marked. The Shiite world is swarming with sects tinged with Suflism, the basis of which is a panthelstic unbelief, summed up in these words: "Of a truth we come from God, and shall return to him." It has long been observed that Persia is not seriously Mussulman; under the mantle of official hypocrisy nearly every Persian hides a sectarian attachment, a secret thought, which in a way has its source in the Koran.
56.  "Arbitrary power," writes Benjamin Constant, "exercised either in the name of one or of all, pursues man through all his forms of repose and happiness." (De l'Esprit de conquéte et de l'Usurpation, chap. xi.) See the following chapter of the same work on the effects of arbitrary power on morals, intelligence and industry.
57.  This anachronism in finance was discovered by the writer in the course of an examination of the laws of Maryland relating to tobacco currency. In October, 1780, a law was enacted fixing the rate of tobacco fees at 12s. 6d. per hundred weight. In 1806 all tobacco fees were abolished in Maryland, and federal money substituted for them. But meanwhile the District of Columbia had been ceded to the United States; and the old Maryland laws continued in force there, except as specifically changed by congress. Changes were made in the District by piecemeal; and it so happens that the fees of the clerk of the supreme court of the United States, in cases where the government itself is a party, are still computed in pounds of tobacco, and settled at the treasury by the old statutory valuation of tobacco. The fees of the marshal of the District of Columbia were computed in tobacco down to a recent period.
58.  The constitution of Montenegro was somewhat changed in 1879. The executive power rests with the reigning prince, while the legislative power is vested in a state council of eight members, one-half nominated by the prince and the other half elected by the male inhabitants, who are bearing or have borne arms. By the "administrative statute" of 1879, the country was divided into eighty district and four military commands.
—There are no official returns of the expenditure and revenue of Montenegro. The former is estimated, however, at 180,000 Austrian florins and the latter at 300,000 florins per annum. There is no public debt.
59.  This article may serve as a pertinent criticism on those on
60.  The house of Savoy owes its royal title to the possession of Sardinia(1720)
61.  The Germanic elements are not much more considerable in the United Kingdom than they were in France at the time when it possessed Alsace and Metz. The Germanic language has predominated in the British isles only because the Latin had not entirely supplanted the Celtic idioms there, as it had a Gaul.
62.  Aglanros was the Acropolis itself, which was devoted to saving the country.
63.  A multiplicity of religions is necessary in order to distinguish religion from dogma, and to avoid confounding the denial of one or another detail of the official creed with atheism.
64.  The phrase is thus construed in McKay vs. Campbell, 2 Sawyer, 118. A dictum of Mr. Justice Miller in the "Slaughter-house case," 16 Wallace, 73, implies a different interpretation. "The phrase 'subject to its jurisdiction,'" he says, "was intended to exclude * * * children of ministers, consuls, and citizens or subjects of foreign countries born within the United States." If this was intended, the intention has not been realized; for the clause can not be so construed as to exclude the children of (non-exterritorial) aliens. Mr. Justice Miller apparently assumes that the phrase "subject to the jurisdiction" means subject to the sovereignty—subject as opposed to alien. If now, for the sake of argument, we grant this; if we read: All persons born in the United States and subject thereto are citizens; how is the word subject then to be construed? Who are "subjects" of the United States? The constitution and the laws of the United States afford us no answer: we must have recourse to the common law. But by common law all persons born in the territory of a state and under the actual obedience of its sovereign are its subjects, whatever the nationality of the parents. To make Mr. Justice Miller's construction possible, the sentence should read: All persons born in the United States of parents subject thereto are citizens.
65.  Expatriation is often confounded with emigration. Expatriation is a legal conception: emigration is simply a fact to which the legal result of expatriation may or may not be attached. Few legislations give to emigration per se the effect of expatriation
66.  Heinreich was an American jure soli, but an Austrian jure sanguinis. The refusal of protection was, in this case, erroneously based upon the assumption that Heinreich had become by Naturaliation a subject of Austria
67.  During the war between England and France, at the close of the last century, France was similarly threatened with reprisals in case it should treat a traitors any emigrés serving under the English flag. But these persons were not claimed by England as its subjects
68.  We say, even more than to-day, because at that time the seas being generally infested with pirates, almost all merchant vessels were armed as for war, so that sailors commenced really an apprenticeship of maritime war on board merchant vessels
69.  "The sentiment was common to Virginia. at least among the intelligent and educated, that slavery was cruel and unjust. The delegates from Virginia and Maryland, hostile to navigation laws, were still more warmly opposed to the African slave trade. Delaware by her constitution, and Virginia and Maryland by special laws, had prohibited the importation of slaves North Carolina had shown a disposition to conform to the policy of her northern sisters by an act which denounced the further introduction of slaves into the state as "highly impolitic." (Hildreth, vol iii., pp. 508-10) Pennsylvania founded a society for the abolition of slavery in 1733, with Franklin for its first president and Rush its first secretary. New York had a similar society in 1785, with Jay as its first president and Hamilton as his successor. On the other hand, as some illustration of the then current New England sentiment, attention is asked to the following extract from an oration by Mr David Daggett (afterward United States senator and chief justice of Connecticut) at New Haven, July 4, 1787—a mouth before the federal convention, then in session, took up the subject of slavery and the navigation laws. The orator, after speaking of the gratitude and generous reward the country owed to the officers and soldiers of the late army, and its immediate inability to discharge such obligations, continued: "If, however, there is not a sufficiency of property in the country, I would project a plan to acquire it.* * * Let us repeal all the laws against the African slave trade, and undertake the truly benevolent and humane merchandise of importing negroes to Christianize them. This has been practiced by individuals among us, and they have found it a lucrative branch of business. Let us then make a national matter of it. * * * We should have the sublime satisfaction of enriching ourselves, and at the same time rendering happy thousands of those blacks by instructing them in the ways of religion. * * * This would be no innovation. * * * This country permitted it for many years, among their other acts of justice, but their refusing to pay sacred and solemn obligations is not of so long standing."
70.  For the entire empire the aggregate of British tonnage is estimated at a much higher figure
71.  We here give some later statistics of the Netherlands.
—The following table shows the actual revenue and expenditure for the years 1874-7, and the estimated revenue and expenditure for 1878-9, in florins:
—The budget estimates for 1881 were as follows:
—The regular army of the Netherlands, Jan. 1, 1879, was composed as follows:
The colonial army of the Netherlands, Jan. 1, 1879, numbered 1,482 officers and 37,931 rank and file.
—According to the law of April 1, 1881,reorganizing the army, on a war footing, it is to consist hereafter of a total of 61,400 men, the yearly contingent of militia to amount to 12,000 and that of the recruits to 11,000 men, 3,040,400 florins were appropriated in 1881, for the building of fortifications. 20,000,000 florins for the same purpose were called for in 1882. The system of fortifications is to be completed in 1883.
—At the end of 1881 the navy of the kingdom was composed of 103 steamers, (including seventeen ironclads), and seventeen sailing vessels. The officers of the navy were: one admiral, one admiral lieutenant, three vice-admirals, three rear admirals, twenty captains, forty commanders, 800 first and second lieutenants, forty-three midshipmen, seventy-six administrative and fifty-one medical officers. The marine infantry consisted of forty-five officers and 2,140 non-commissioned officers and privates.
—The estimates of the total imports and exports of the Netherlands for the years 1876 to 1878, in florins, are as follows: Imports, 1876, 713,440,549; 1877,750,964,425; 1878,713,440,549. Exports, 1876,533,084,813; 1877,541,887,066;1878,538,064,813.
72.  The treaty of Washington, May 8, 1871, between the United States and Great Britain (Alsbama claims) lays down the following principles: A neutral government is bound, 1, to use all diligence to prevent the arming of any vessel which it has reason to believe is intended for service as a privateer, or to take part in hostile operations against a power with which it is at peace, and also to use the same diligence to prevent even the departure from its jurisdiction of any vessel destined for privateering, or to take part in hostile operations, such vessel having been in whole or in part adapted for purposes of war within said jurisdiction; 2, not to allow any of the belligerent nations to make its ports or its waters a basis of operations, nor to make use of them to increase of replenish their military supplies or arms, or to recruit troops; 3, to exercise all necessary diligence in its own ports and waters, and over all persons under its jurisdiction, to prevent any violation of the obligations and duties above mentioned.
73.  Under the influence of Bakunin and of the international, most of the Russian revolutionists, in and out of the empire, seem to have had for their formula the confederation of independent and productive communes. In 1874, after the establishment of the journal "Vpered" by Lavrof, discussions having arisen in the beginning as to the manner of preparing and directing the revolution, a refugee named Tkatchef, in a pamphlet entitled "On Revolutionary Propagandism in Russia," declared that "the party of action," instead of preoccupying themselves with the question of future organization, should have nothing in view but their work of destruction. This counsel has been adopted by an immense majority of the Russian revolutionists.
74.  The term nihilism is taken, we believe, from a novel of Ivan Turgeneff, "Fathers and Children," in which the celebrated novelist describes the first generation of nihilists. J. de Maistre had already used the word rienisme (nothing-arianism) in a more or less analogous sense somewhere in his letters on Russia, if we are not mistaken. The nihilists ordinarily style themselves revolutionists, democrat-socialists, or simply propagandists.
75.  Tchernychevski began his career in 1855 by a treatise on natural æsthetics, on the relations of art and reality (Esteticheskiia otnochéniia iskoustva i desvitelnosti.) A little later, in an essay entitled "The Anthropologic Principle in Philosophy" (Antropologitcheskii v filosifl), he explained a system of transformist materialism, defended the unity of principle in nature and in man, and reduced all morality to pleasure or utility. In 1860 he published, in the Sovremennik review, a translation, with an appended criticism on the "Political Economy of John Stuart Mill." In this book the Russian writer employs, for the benefit of socialism, all the arms he can secure from certain theories of the English school of economists, Malthus and Ricardo in particular. Finally, in 1863, the Sovremennik, which was soon after suppressed, published anonymously the romance "What can be done?" (Ohto delal), written in the prisons of St. Petersburg.
76.  We here give, as an example, the translation of some verses addressed to Lydia Fiquer, one of the young heroines of the recent political trials (Detooubüstvo, Geneva, 1877). "Strong, oh young girl, is the impression made by thy enchanting beauty; but still greater than the charm of thy face is the charm of thy purity of soul. * * * Full of sadness is the image of the Saviour, full of sadness are his divine features; but in the fathomless depths of thy eyee there is more love than suffering."
77.  The following is one of the maxims of Rakhmetof: "Since we demand for men the complete enjoyment of life, we should prove by our example that we demand it, not in order to satisfy our personal passions, but for man in general."
78.  The Domesday Book is nothing but a great inventory of the Norman conquest. We quote from the history of M. Augustin Thierry some interesting details concerning the origin of this curious inquiry, and upon the way in which it was drawn up. "King William," says M. Augustin Thierry, "caused a great territorial inquiry to be made, and a universal register of all the changes of property made in England by the conquest to be drawn up. He wished to know into what hands, throughout all the extent of the country, the domains of the Saxons had passed, and how many of them still kept their inheritances by reason of treaties concluded with himself or with his barons; how many acres of land there were in each rural domain; what number of acres would be sufficient for the support of a soldier, and what was the number of the latter in each province or county of England; what was the gross sum of the products of the cities, villages, towns and hamlets; what was the exact property of each count, baron, knight, sergeant-at-arms; how much land each one had, how many people with fiefs of his lands, how many Saxons, cattle and plows—This work, in which modern historians have thought they discerned the mark of administrative genius, was the simple result of the special position of the Norman king as chief of a conquering army, and of the necessity of establishing some order in the chaos of the conquest. This is so true, that, in o her conquests whose details have been transmitted to us, for example, in the conquest of Greece by the Latin crusaders in the thirteenth century, we find the same kind of inquiry, conducted on an exactly similar plan by the chiefs of the invasion—By virtue of the orders of King William, Henri de Ferrières, Gaultier Giffard, Adam, brother of Eudes the seneschal, and Remi, bishop of Lincoln, as well as other persons selected from the jurists and the guardians of the royal treasury, set out to journey through all the counties of England, establishing in each place their council of inquiry. They caused to appear before them the viscount of each province or of each Saxon shire, a personage to whom the Saxons gave in their old language the title of shire-reve or sheriff. They called together, or had the viscount call together all the Norman barons of the province, who indicated the precise boundaries of their possessions and of their territorial jurisdictions: then some of the men connected with the inquiry, or commissioners delegated by them, went to each great domain and into each district or century, as the Saxons called them. There they made the French soldiers of each lord and the English inhabitants of the century declare, under oath, how many free owners and how many farmers there were upon the domain; what portion each occupied as full proprietor or on precarious tenure; the names of the actual holders, the names of those who had been owners before the conquest, and the different changes of property which had taken place since that time; so that, say the chronicles of the times, three declarations were exacted concerning each estate: what it had been in the time of King Edward, what it had been when King William had granted it, and what it was at the present moment. Beneath each particular statement was inscribed this formula: 'This is what all the French and all the English of the shire have sworn to.'
—In each town an inquiry was made as to the amount of taxes the inhabitants had paid to former kings, and how much the town produced for the officers of the conqueror; an investigation was made as to how many houses the war of the conquest or the construction of fortresses had caused to disappear; how many houses the conquerors had taken, and how many Saxon families, reduced to extreme poverty, were unable to pay anything. In the cities the oath was taken of the great Norman authorities, who assembled the Saxon burgers in their old council chamber, now become the property of the king or of some foreign baron. Finally, in the places of lesser importance the oath was taken of the collector or provost royal, of the priest and of six Saxons or of six villains of each city, as the Normans called them. This investigation lasted six years, during which time the commissioners of King William traveled over all England, with the exception of the hilly countries in the north, and to the west of York, that is to say, the modern counties of Durham, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and Lancaster. The investigation was concluded in 1086.
—The editing of the inventory of taxable property or the terrier of the Norman conquest for each province that it mentioned, was modeled on a uniform plan. The name of the king was placed at the top, with the list of his lands and of his revenues in each province: then followed the names of the chiefs and of the smaller proprietors, in the order of their military rank and of their wealth in land. The Saxons, spared by special grace in the great spoliation, figured only in the lowest ranks; for the small number of this race who remained free and unburdened proprietors, or tenante-in-chief of the king, as the conquerors expressed themselves, were so only as regards inconsiderable domains. The other Anglo-Saxon names scattered here and there through the list, belonged to farmers of certain fractions, more or less great, of the domain of Norman counts, barons, knights, sergeants-at-arms or cross-bowmen.
—This valuable book, in which the entire conquest was registered, so that the memory of it could not be effaced, was called by the Normans the grande rôle, the rôle royale or the rôle de Winchester, because it was preserved in the treasury of the cathedral of Winchester. The Saxons called it by a more solemn name, the book of judgment-day, Domesday Book, because it contained their sentence of irrevocable expropriation." (Augustin Thierry, Histoire de la conquite d'Angleterre par les Normands, book ii., pp. 237-244.)
79.  This natural and general nobility of all the conquerors, says M. Augustin Thierry, increased in proportion to the authority or personal importance of each of them. After the nobility of the king, came that of the governor of the province, who took the title of count; after the nobility of the count, came that of his lieutenant, called vice-count or viscount; and then that of the warriors, according to their rank, barons, knights, esquires or sergeants, nobles in an unequal degree, but all nobles by right of their common victory and of their foreign birth. (Histoire de la conquéte d'Angleterre par les Normands, book ii., p. 84.)
80.  Montesquieu has given with much clearness the nature of this transformation of the feudal system, as well as the causes which determined it. "The manner of changing a freehold into a fief," he says, "is found in a formula of Marculfe. A man gave his land to the king; and the king gave it back to the donor as a usufruct or benence, and the latter designated his heirs to the king. Those who held flefs had very great advantages. The indemnity for injuries done them was much greater than that of free men. It appears, from the formulas of Marculfe, that it was a privilege of the vassal of the king that whoever killen him should pay 600 sons of indemnity. This privilege was established by the salic law and by the Ripuarian law, and while these two laws imposed a penalty of 600 sons for the death of a vassal of the king, they imposed only 200 for the death of a free man, Frank, barbarian, or a man living under the salic law, and only 100 for that of a Roman. After having enumerated various other privileges which the vassals of the king enjoyed, the author of the Espril des lois adds: "It is easy, therefore, to think that the Franks who were not vassals of the king, and still more the Romans, endeavored to become so; and that in order that they should not be deprived of the domains, the custom was devised of giving one's freehold to the king, and of receiving it from him as a flef, and of designating to him who should inherit it. This custom continued always, and was practiced especially in the disturbances of the second race, when every one needed a protector." (De l'esprit des lois, book xxxi., chap. 8.)
81.  Nobility prejudice interdicted to poor nobles the employments of industry and commerce, formerly degraded by slavery. It was not till the eighteenth century that there commenced to be a reaction against this prejudice. A writer, who then enjoyed some notoriety, the abbé Coyer, wrote a work entitled the Noblesse commerçante, in which he urged the nobles to have recourse to the useful and remunerative occupations of industry and commerce to restore their patrimonies, which the abuse of luxury had considerably reduced. The work of the abbé Coyer was well received by the young nobility, who were commencing to be impregnated with philosophic ideas; but it excited in the highest degree the indignation of the partisans of the old ideas. An aristocratic writer, the chevalier d'Areq, undertook to refute the unseemly and incongruous propositions which were advanced therein. The arguments of this defender of nobility prejudice were not lacking in a certain originality. The chevalier d'Areq stated, in the first place, with a sorrowful horror, that the nobility was only too disposed to follow the degrading counsels of the abbé Coyer, and he conjured them, in the name of their honor and of the safety of all, to pause on the brink of so fatal an abyss. "It would be necessary, on the contrary" he exclaimed with indignation, "to place new barriers between the nobility and the path it is proposed to open. Without such barriers, instead of seeing only one gentleman in a family follow this path, it is to be feared that all, or at least almost all, the members of the family will rush into it, and that we shall see a crowd of nobles upon our merchant vessels, with no other arms than the pen, instead of seeing them upon our war vessels, the sword in their hands to defend the timid trader. It is asked, what do you wish a gentleman to do, who only possesses ancient titles, one reason the more to make him blush for his misery? Is it in France that they dare to put this question" Is it in France that a gentleman remains idle upon his estate, while victory is waiting to crown the nobility on the battle-fields? Is it in France that a gentleman is advised to give himself over to baseness, to infamy, in fine, to dishonor the name of his ancestors, virtuous, without doubt, since they were judged worthy of nobility, with no other pretext than to save him from indigence, while there is a gracious monarch to serve, a country to defend, and arms always ready for whoever wishes to walk in the road of honor?" (La noblesse militaire opposée à la noblesse commerçante, ou le Patriote français, pp. 73, 87.) The chevaher d'Areq then reprimanded the nobility for its excessive luxury; he begged them to practice economy, and ended by putting this curious dilemma: "Commerce on a large scale, the only commerce which can be suitable for the nobility, if indeed commerce can be suitable for it, is not carried on without the funds necessary to purchase the first commodities, and without which, desire, zeal, activity and intelligence become useless instruments. Either the nobility, which it is wished to make commercial, possesses these funds, or it does not possess them. If it possesses them, it has no need of commerce; these funds should be sufficient for its subsistence, while awaiting the reward which its merit and its services should naturally procure for it. * * If the nobility has not the funds necessary for the purchase of the commodities, in what way can it take the first steps in commerce? A gentleman acknowledges no other masters but God, honor, his country and his king. Is it then to the service of a plebeian that it is wished to subject him under the title of an apprentice? Is it by laying aside the trappings of war to don the harness of servitude that it is pretended to lead him to fortune? What a resources' What shame! Is not indigence a thousand times preferable to him?" (La noblesse militaire, etc., p. 98.) The abbé Coyer retorted with two volumes, entitled, Développement et défense du système de la noblesse commerçante; and Grimm, giving an account of the quarrel in his correspondence (1757), wrote a plea in favor of the military nobility. The question remained undecided, and in our days there are still many nobles imbued with the prejudice which the abbé Coyer combated. Yet the most obstinate are willingly resigned to "derogate," by investing their funds in industry, provided that the investment is remunerative.
82.  See, on the subject of this policy of monopoly and of war of the British aristocracy, the introduction to Cobden et la Ligue, ou l'Agitation anglaise pour la liberté du commerce, by Fred. Bastiat.
83.  According to Bentham, no system of rewards is more costly than that which consists in according titles of nobility as a payment for services rendered the state. The following are the reasons given by the illustrious utilitarian philosopher for his opinion: "It is commonly said that rewards in honors cost the state nothing. This is an error; for not only do honors render services dearer, but moreover there are burdens which can not be estimated in money. All honor supposes some pre-eminence. Among individuals placed on a level of equality, some can not be favored by a degree of elevation, except by making others suffer by a relative abasement. This is true, above all, of permanent honors, of those which confer rank and privileges. There are two classes of persons at whose expense these honors are conferred: the class from which the new dignitary is taken, and the class into which he is introduced. The more, for example, the number of the nobles is increased, the more their importance is diminished and the more the value of their order is detracted from—Profusion of honors has the two-fold disadvantage of debasing them and of causing also pecuniary expenses. If a peerage is given, a pension must frequently be added to it. If only to maintain the dignity of it.
—It is thus that the hereditary nobility has raised the rate of all rewards. If a simple citizen has rendered brilliant services, it is necessary to begin by taking from the common class and raising him to the rank of nobility. But nobility without an independent settlement is only a burden. Therefore it is necessary to add to it gratuities and pensions. The reward becomes so great, so onerous, that it can not be paid all at once. It is necessary to make of it a burden, with which posterity is loaded. It is true that posterity must pay in part for the services, the fruits of which it shares; but if there were no noble by birth, personal nobility would be sufficient. Among the Greeks a pine branch or a handful of parsley, among the Romans a few laurel leaves, rewarded a hero.
—Fortunate Americans, fortunate for so many reasons, if, to have happiness, it is sufficient to possess all that constitutes happiness! This advantage is still yours. Respect the simplicity of your manners and customs; take care never to admit an hereditary nobility. The patrimony of merit would soon become that of birth. Give pensions, raise statutes, confer titles; but let these distinctions be personal. Preserve all the force, all the purity of honor; do not alienate that precious fund of the state in favor of a haughty class, which will not be slow in using it against you." (Théorie des récompenses et des peines, book ii., chap. 5.
84.  The budget of Norway for the period commencing July 1, 1880, and ending June 30, 1881, is distributed as follows:
(The krone is worth about twenty-eight cents.) The public debt amounted, at the end of June, 1879, to 99,632,000 kroner.
—The troops of the kingdom are raised mainly by conscription, and to a email extent by enlistment. All young men past the twenty-first year are liable to conscription, with the exception of the inhabitants of the three northern arms of the kingdom, who are free from military service. The nominal term of service is ten years, divided between seven years in the line and three years in the landvaern or militia. The landvaern is only liable to service within the frontiers of the kingdom. On Jan. 1, 1880, the troops of the line, with its reserves, numbered 40,000 men, with 700 officers. The number of troops, actually under arms can never exceed, even in war, 18,000 men, without the consent of the storthing. The king has permission to keep a guard of Norwegian volunteers at Stockholm, and to transfer, for the purpose of common military exercises, 3,000 men annually from Norway to Sweden, and from Sweden to Norway.
—The naval force of Norway comprised, at the end of October, 1880, thirty-four steamers and ninety sailing vessels, the latter, with the exception of five, forming a flotilla of row-boats for coast defense.
—The average value of the total imports into Norway, in the five years, 1876-80, was 161,800,000 kroner, and of the exports 102,300,000 kroner. The shipping belonging to Norway numbered 8,125 vessels, of a total burthen of 1,509,477 tons, at the end of 1879. Norway has, in proportion to population, the largest commercial navy in the world.
—At the end of October, 1880, there were in Norway 759 miles of railway open for traffic, and 212 miles under construction. There were at the end of 1879, telegraph lines of the length of 5,815 English miles (4,634 miles belonging to the state, and 681 miles to the railways), and wires of the length of 9,726 miles (8,414 miles belonging to the state, and 1,312 miles to the railways). The number of postoffices at the same time was 904. Number of letters forwarded through the post in 1879, 13,311,909.