Many of my contrarian opinions derive from my focus on a single macroeconomic variable—NGDP.
Consider the recent period of high inflation. Almost all economists believe the inflation was caused by a mix of supply and demand side shocks. In contrast, I believe the high inflation was all demand-side, with supply shocks playing no role at all, at least over the 2019-24 period as a whole.
Consider some data from the past 4 1/4 years:
Under 4% NGDP targeting, NGDP should have risen by 18.1% between 2019:Q4 and 2024:Q1. Actual increase was 29.0%.
Under 2% PCE inflation targeting, prices should have risen by 8.8% between January 2020 and April 2024. Actual increase was 17.8%.
Note that NGDP rising by an excessive 11% led to 9% above target inflation. That means supply shocks explain none of the total cumulative excess inflation. Yes, supply shocks clearly played a role during certain months back in 2022. But those negative shocks were offset by positive supply shocks during other months. The economy’s supply side has been strong—real GDP has risen more rapidly than expected, mostly due to immigration. Indeed, given the rate of NGDP growth, we are lucky that inflation was not even a bit higher. A positive supply shock (a surge in immigration) held inflation to a level slightly below what one would have predicted based on NGDP growth alone.
My contrarian views on the role of monetary policy in the recent inflation mirror some similarly heterodox views of the Great Recession. I argued that the Great Recession was caused by a tight money policy in 2008. Extremely few economists agree with me. When I argue that the Great Recession was caused by a big fall in NGDP, people accuse me of engaging in a tautology. In their view, a big fall in NGDP is a recession. They confuse nominal and real GDP.
The past 4 1/4 years clearly demonstrate that real and nominal GDP are not identical—a big NGDP overshoot showed up as excess inflation, not very fast RGDP growth. So much for the “tautology” theory.
Another complaint is that while falling NGDP was a problem back in 2008, there was nothing the Fed could have done about it because we were stuck at the zero lower bound. But we were not at the zero lower bound in 2008–the Fed was doing normal conventional monetary policy. Indeed in October 2008 they instituted IOR to keep interest rates from falling, i.e., to prevent the economy from overheating.
Why do my views diverge so sharply from those of my colleagues? I see several factors.
1. If you didn’t expect an inflation surge, it’s natural to look for some sort of unexpected factor to explain the result. Supply shocks are a handy excuse, especially given that for a brief period they were contributing to higher than normal inflation. But this is motivated reasoning. Economists often overlook the fact that the economy is also continually hit by positive supply shocks, such as the surge in immigration, or the repairing of supply lines after the disruption of Covid abated. They correctly saw negative supply shocks during certain months, but failed to see that for the past 4 1/4 years as a whole the supply situation has been excellent.
2. Most economists are relatively supportive of the Fed’s monetary policy stance. Thus when NGDP deviates dramatically from the 4% growth path, they are reluctant to blame monetary policy. That would be almost like blaming the economics profession for the policy disaster. It is much more satisfying to look for explanations that involve mysterious “exogenous shocks”.
3. The stance of monetary policy is often very different from how it appears when looking at indicators such as interest rates. Rates were falling in 2008 even as money was getting tighter. Rates rose dramatically in 2022 even as monetary policy remained quite expansionary (albeit arguably slightly less so than in 2021.) If you misjudge the stance of monetary policy, you are far more likely to misdiagnose the cause of recession or high inflation. This mistake is especially likely to occur when an exogenous factor (such as a housing slump) causes a big change in the natural interest rate, making the Fed’s policy rate a highly inaccurate indicator of the actual stance of policy.
My focus on nominal GDP also explains why I am not impressed by unconditional forecasts. I notice that lots of people that were right about the inflation of the early 2020s were wrong about the effects of the previous QE programs under Bernanke. (And vice versa.) I am far more impressed by conditional forecasts. What do you think would happen if the Fed allows 29% NGDP growth in the 4 1/4 years after 2019:Q4? That’s the sort of question we should be thinking about.
While NGDP is a useful indicator, inflation and interest rates are not. If you tell me that inflation is rising, I don’t know what that means for the economy without knowing whether the increase was due to supply or demand shocks. If you tell me that interest rates are going to be lower, it means nothing unless I know whether the fall in rates is due to easy money or a weak economy.
Only NGDP gives an unambiguous indication of the current state of the economy. It doesn’t tell us everything we need to know, especially in the long run. But over the short to medium run, no other variable comes close as a way of understanding current macroeconomic conditions.
There are times when economists are tempted to ignore the signals being sent by NGDP. Don’t do that! Back on June 28, 2021, Jason Furman was being interviewed by David Beckworth. Here’s Furman:
So I have some sympathy for nominal GDP targeting. . . . If we were following it now, we would already have lifted off interest rates. And we’re going to, with extreme likelihood, overshoot the nominal GDP target we were on.
So under your [Beckworth’s] framework, you’d have to make up for that with a sustained period of lower than trend on nominal GDP growth. I don’t mean that to pick on you, this experience has destroyed anyone’s plans that they wrote down before. It’s such a weird period. But to me, that says, “I’d like the Fed, if the unemployment rate a year from now is still 5.5%, I’d like the Fed to take that into account, regardless of what’s happening to nominal GDP or prices as an independent problem and issue that they need to take into account.” So I think that anything has to have a dual mandate, but do you look at nominal GDP and the like, instead of inflation? Maybe.
Ouch! June 2021 is when NGDP was just returning to the pre-Covid trend line. In retrospect, it was the perfect time to tighten policy to prevent an NGDP overshoot. To his credit, Furman correctly surmised that tightening would be required to prevent an NGDP overshoot, but for other reasons he thought that was an unwise idea. He thought NGDP was sending a misleading signal, that we should have looked at the unemployment rate (which actually is an unreliable indicator.)
With the benefit of hindsight, we can clearly see that the NGDP signal was exactly right and Furman was wrong. It was time to tighten.
Ignore NGDP at your own risk.

READER COMMENTS
Thomas L Hutcheson
Jun 17 2024 at 8:52pm
“In contrast, I believe the high inflation was all demand-side, with supply shocks playing no role at all, at least over the 2019-24 period as a whole.”
That is a false dichotomy. Of course, inflation depends on demand and the Fed creates demand. Shocks determine how much demand the Fed should TRY to create. Create too little and markets with sticky prices fail to clear. Create too much and people get even angrier than when it creates just enough.
Economists have not done a good job of explaining the benefits of “just enough” inflation or “just enough” NGDP. [Of course we have not done very will with free trade, either, so don’t hold your breath.]
In the meantime, I’m still waiting for the elevator pitch about why NGDPLT (or even FNGDPLT) is better than FAIT, especially w/o a real time indicator of market expectations of NGDP.
If June 2021 was the time to start attempting to reduce demand, why were TIPS around target and did not go above until September? Or does TIPS first touching target indicate the time for tightening?
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:31pm
I spoke to someone who worked at the Fed during 2021, and he told me that they knew NGDP was about to rise well above trend in late 2021, and ignored that fact.
marcus nunes
Jun 17 2024 at 10:31pm
Importantly, inflation took over when the FOMC decided to focus on the labor market in early 2021. That was when Powell gave a speech called: “Getting back to a strong labor market”: Speech by Chair Powell on getting back to a strong labor market – Federal Reserve Board
Thomas L Hutcheson
Jun 18 2024 at 12:24pm
“Took over?”
The question is, how much of the inflation (or NGDP growth) of 2020-present was facilitative of adjusting relative prices to their income maximining movements and how much was excessive? Scott seem to say that NGDP above 4% (5%?) after June 2021 was excessive. What do you say?
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:32pm
Yes, there was way too much focus on the labor market.
Kevin Erdmann
Jun 17 2024 at 11:20pm
As usual, you’re heads and tails ahead of the rest of the profession, many of whom seem to have convinced themselves that a 2% Fed funds target could reverse double digit inflation.
One thing I will note is that housing is still supply constrained at production levels that have been stagnant since 2020 and there is a significant amount of deflationary growth yet to come in the recovery in residential investment. I’m not sure of all the details on why it has been so slow to come.
Thomas L Hutcheson
Jun 18 2024 at 12:26pm
????
A “target” can do nothing. Only movements of policy instruments can affect outcomes.
Kevin Erdmann
Jun 18 2024 at 8:00pm
I’m not sure exactly what your comment is about. The idea of interest rate targeting is that the Fed changes the money supply by setting the interest rate for short term borrowing above or below the neutral rate.
Inflation permanently declined to roughly 2% in July 2022 on a monthly basis. In June 2022, the short term interest rate was less than 2% and inflation was more than 10%. My point is simply that there is no model in macroeconomics that claims that a -8% real short term interest rate will put an end to inflation.
I would say that if you or any of the macroeconomic pundits think that a 2% Fed Funds rate can end 10% inflation, you should get a time machine and go back to 1980 and tell Paul Volcker that all he needs to do is set the Fed Funds rate at 2%.
I’m with Scott in thinking that interest rate policy had little to do with the abrubt end to inflation in 2022 and that the Fed had a stimulative posture at the time. Of course, if we’re thinking of monetary policy through an interest rate target framework, then the abrupt end of inflation tightened up Fed policy after June 2022 significantly.
With such volatile trends, I mostly just think it isn’t very useful to try to think about monetary policy as a rate target. Scott convinced me that NGDP trends are a better indicator of monetary policy. I just have a little higher estimate of neutral NGDP growth than Scott currently does. But, the main point of my comment is that the assertion that the Fed lowered inflation in 2022 with rate hikes and that the inflation wasn’t transitory fails on the terms of its own model.
Brent Buckner
Jun 19 2024 at 6:31am
Announcing a target can influence expectations and so influence outcomes.
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:33pm
There’s been lots of immigration.
Andrew_FL
Jun 18 2024 at 8:57am
If rgdp has risen more rapidly than expected it’s because expectation setters set expectations unrealistically low, well below the pre 2020 trend.
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:34pm
I believe RGDP has risen faster than during 2006-2019. If you have some other period for setting trend, what is it?
Andrew_FL
Jun 18 2024 at 2:25pm
2015 Q1 RGDP 18666.621 Billion 2017$
2019 Q4 RGDP 20951.088 Billion 2017$
Natural logs: 9.83, 9.95
20 Quarters, slope of .006 per quarter, 0.024 per year. Natural exponent of 9.95+0.24 is 21,461.159-that’s an annual growth rate of 2.4%.
2019 Q4 RGDP 20951.088 Billion 2017$
2024 Q1 RGDP 22749.846 Billion 2017$
Natural logs: 9.95, 10.03
18 Quarter slope: .004 per quarter, 0.018 per year. Average annualized growth rate, 1.6%.
Scott Sumner
Jun 19 2024 at 2:14am
Rule #1: You CANNOT get the trend growth rate from only an expansion, ignoring the previous slump. You need to compare similar points in the business cycle.
Andrew_FL
Jun 19 2024 at 10:13am
Taking your suggestion seriously, if one draws a trend line between any quarter of 2006 and the final quarter of 2019 instead, Q1 of 2024 is a mere half a percent over trend. So even if one takes the idea seriously that expectations should’ve been the 2006-2019 trend, we are closer to “at expectations” than “above expectations.”
Andrew_FL
Jun 19 2024 at 11:58am
By the way, as a way of showing how thin a reed you’re on with “above expectations” if you carry out this same exercise with Gross Domestic Income instead, we’re below the 2006-2019 trend by about as much as GDP is above the 2006-2019 trend.
Scott Sumner
Jun 19 2024 at 3:21pm
I agree that RGDP is only slightly above trend. My point is that it’s not below trend, as you’d expect if part of the inflation problem was supply side.
Andrew_FL
Jun 19 2024 at 5:13pm
Well, I agree you’re right, there. Inflation has clearly been demand side.
Andrew_FL
Jun 18 2024 at 2:30pm
I always forget you believe money was continuously tight from 2007 through 2019, and so you think we were still having recovery growth from the Great Recession in 2015-2019.
Scott H.
Jun 18 2024 at 9:50am
My theory is that the economics profession does actually understand monetary and fiscal policy. The deviation in resultant policy comes from the fact that they have other values that they are trying to optimize.
In the aftermath of COVID, the goal was to utilize monetary policy to maximize the transfer of income and wealth to the poorer classes of Americans. The policies may not have worked as desired, but it seems like that was the sometimes-unspoken consideration behind delaying the actions necessary to achieve the FEDs stated goals.
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:36pm
Maybe. But I get tired of people telling me one day that easy money helps the poor, and a week later that inflation hurts the poor. Make up your minds!
Scott H.
Jun 18 2024 at 2:02pm
I think it’s more like populism from our central bank. And populism isn’t based on elitist theory.
V L Elliott
Jun 18 2024 at 9:55am
Changes in NGDP can be very helpful when studying stability — both economic and political — and so is relevant for policy analysis. Traditional applications of defense economics tend to focus on inter-state war. The analysis of inter-state wars often relies on input/output and general equilibrium methods where inflation adjusted variables are generally put to use. Given the subjects being studies, those analyses may not benefit as much using NGDP as in the study of internal instability (that is, the breakdown of cooperation, the erosion of order and the evolution into sustained, organized, collective, internal violence). For intra-state instability it may be more useful to employ public choice methods, particularly the work of Gordon Tullock as well as that of James Buchanan and Roger Faith, and the general equilibrium methods Jack Hirshleifer introduced. (Hirshleifer was working in part from a suggestion by Tullock to use contest success functions.) These lines of inquiry, especially public choice, can make productive use of the NGDP as an indicator. Game theory is relevant for both inter-state and intra-state analyses of course but I will leave comment on its use of NGDP to those more knowledgeable than me.
steve
Jun 18 2024 at 11:47am
“. Yes, supply shocks clearly played a role during certain months back in 2022. But those negative shocks were offset by positive supply shocks during other months.”
So the peak months with inflation at 8%-9% could have been affected by supply but the sustained inflation after not so much? Also, what positive supply shocks did we have? Fuel and energy just went back to normal. I followed the part data for quite a while and it went back to normal but I didnt see a large increase. Not seeing a positive shock in housing.
Steve
Scott Sumner
Jun 18 2024 at 12:40pm
First of all, going back to normal is a positive supply shock, and reverses the previous inflationary effect from that good or service. The biggest supply shock by far has been the surge in immigration.
James
Jun 18 2024 at 12:42pm
Does this not require making assumptions about the slope of the AD curve?
Scott Sumner
Jun 19 2024 at 2:15am
I assume it’s unit elastic.
Mark Barbieri
Jun 18 2024 at 12:48pm
Back in 2008, I was terrified that the Fed rate cuts were going to cause a massive spike in inflation. After all, low rates meant easy money, right? It didn’t happen, so I went searching for an explanation. That’s when I found your Money Illusion blog and things made more sense.
I’m not an economist, so my opinion doesn’t matter much, but I think your NGDP views have shown themselves to match events better than other explanations that I’ve seen. While it may not be a majority view, your explanation here seems quite similar to the explanation given by David Beckworth in his chapter “Our Recent Inflation Wasn’t Wholly Driven by the COVID-19 Pandemic and the War in Ukraine” in the book The War on Prices. Without a deep understanding of how economies and monetary policy work, I can only compare predicted results with actual results and so far watching NGDP growth expectations seems to be a much better predictor than the Fed’s interest rate target.
vince
Jun 20 2024 at 4:06pm
Scott: Have you considered the possibility of NGDP-linked bonds as a market-based measure of NGDP? A true translation to expected NGDP, however, would require a risk adjustment.
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