Many people, including rationally ignorant voters, ignore the poor state of the US government’s finances. The Table below gives some numbers, extracted from the last budget of the US government. Politicians should be aware of the problem, but their self-interest is to kick the can down the future and compete for the perks of power by promising voters new programs, transfers, and tax cuts (see James Buchanan and Richard Wagner’s 1977 book Democracy in Deficit: The Political Legacy of Lord Keynes).

If Congress appropriations follow the budget of March 2024, outlays (spending) for FY 2025 (October 1, 2024 to September 30, 2025) will reach $7.3 trillion compared with forecasted receipts (revenues) of $5.5 trillion. A deficit of $1.8 trillion will result. Next year, then, the federal deficit is set to equal 25% of spending and 32% of receipts (the figures in red on my Table).

This level of annual deficit has become quite typical. Federal spending reached $1 trillion in 2019, peaked at $3.1 trillion in 2020 and, after the epidemic, receded to an average of $1.9 trillion from 2021 to 2024.

The problem is not caused by annual emergencies or enthusiasm, nor by random “government waste.” Sixty percent of federal spending is called mandatory, for it is made of large programs mandated by standing laws and regulations and not subject to annual appropriations by Congress. The mandatory programs are essentially Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. The “other” category mainly comprises income security programs such as unemployment compensation, nutrition assistance programs, or Supplemental Security Income.

The part of federal spending called discretionary (27% of spending) includes $900 billion for defense plus annual appropriations by Congress for all other purposes.

To these two broad categories of spending must be added nearly $1 trillion (13% of spending) for interest payments on the public debt. Interest payments diminish when the rate of interest decreases, but increase with the growing level of debt.

Adding to mandatory programs the outlays for defense and interest on the public debt, which are not easily or readily compressible either, we get 86% of total outlays. Thus, only 14% of federal spending is compressible or “discretionary” in this sense. Eliminating the annual deficit without increasing taxes would require the elimination of all these “discretionary” outlays plus an 11% reduction in “non-compressible” expenditures (mandatory programs, defense, and interest on the public debt).

Since 1961, the OMB’s historical budget tables (see Table 1.1) show a surplus in only five years: 1969, and 1998 to 2001. The problem is obviously not a function of which political party is in power. Chronic deficits explain why the federal debt held by the public is predicted to reach $30 trillion at the end of (calendar year) 2025, more than twice the $14.2 trillion at the end of President Barack Obama’s second term (see Table 7.1).

The public debt is a time bomb that will have to be defused or will explode at some point. If large increases in taxes or default on the public debt are to be avoided, a fundamental reassessment of the federal government’s functions and scope will be needed.

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The government sinking in debt