Lately I’ve been stunned by reports of nominal wage cuts. They aren’t just in the news; several professionals that I personally know have received such cuts. Employers routinely cut total pay during recessions by slashing bonuses and hours. Even in good times, many employers cut real wages by freezing pay despite inflation. Yet outright reductions of nominal base pay – hourly wages for hourly workers, base salary for salaried workers – have been exceeding rare for as long as we’ve had data. Economists have debated whether downward nominal wage cuts are bad, but virtually all economists agree that downward nominal wage cuts are rare.
What on Earth is going on in today’s labor market?
The simplest explanation is that the current recession is terrible. Quite right; maybe it’s twice as terrible as the Great Recession. But last time around, I heard zero first-hand reports of nominal wage cuts, and near-zero such stories in the news. I can understand a doubling of incidents, but not this.
Another tempting tale: Workers today realize that they must take pay cuts or lose their jobs. Alas, this trade-off is on the table during every recession. And in every prior recession, falls in nominal base pay have stayed very rare. What then is really afoot?
Let’s begin with a primordial fact: The best explanation for nominal wage rigidity is psychological. When employers cut workers’ nominal base pay, workers feel robbed and resentful. This hurts morale, which hurts productivity, which hurts profits. In contrast, when employers start doing layoffs, the fearful remaining workers respond by working harder. Logically, of course, there’s no reason for workers to feel more robbed and resentful about a 1% nominal cut in the face of 0% inflation than a 0% raise in the face of 1% inflation. Human beings, however, are not so logical.
Why then are nominal pay cuts suddenly on the table? You could say, “Workers have suddenly become more logical,” but as far as I can tell, they’re crazier than ever. But psychologically speaking, there is one radical and unprecedented change in the emotional experience of labor in the time of coronavirus: the explosion of telework. Until recently, only 3% of workers teleworked, and a large majority of these teleworkers probably dropped by the office at least every week or two. Now the telework share has plausibly multiplied tenfold, and our former offices are all but abandoned.
Loneliness is only the most obvious psychological effect. Teleworkers have also lost most of their opportunities to complain and hear complaints, to feel bitterness and sow bitterness, to feel aggrieved and seek revenge. As a result, I speculate, the effect of nominal wage cuts on morale has never been lower.
When an employer cuts the pay of a face-to-face work team, the workers constantly remind each other of the perceived affront. They work down the hall from the executive they hold responsible for the pay cuts. They see which fellow workers are standing up for themselves, and who’s kowtowing to The Man. That’s how the classic mechanism – wage cuts –> bad morale –> low productivity –> reduced profits – worked. Now, in contrast, teleworkers are stuck at home with their families. They’re juggling childcare, housework, and safety in a chaotic situation. As a result, they have neither the energy nor the forum to kvetch – verbally or otherwise – with coworkers. Today’s teleworkers talk to their peers to get the job done, then get back to business. Supervisors who cut your pay now feel more like a tiresome video than a human villain, which quells the urge to settle the score.
Think about it this way: If your firm cut pay three months ago, what would have happened? You would have arrived at work and started griping to your friends. A few would philosophically adjust to the new normal, but a coterie of complainers would have whined, muttered, grumped, and sputtered for months. In so whining, muttering, grumping, and sputtering, they would have disrupted not only their own work, but teamwork itself.
If your firm cut pay today, in contrast, you’d probably just read the email, groan, and resume your duties. You might lament your fate to your partner or close friend. Yet now that you’re teleworking, you plausibly won’t even mention the issue to a single coworker. You almost certainly won’t lunch with coworkers to denounce the firm’s callousness and greed. Stripped of this social feedback loop, neither morale nor productivity will fall much. At long last, pay cuts finally do exactly what firms desire: mitigate losses by cutting costs.
On top of all this, executives and managers almost surely feel much less guilty about pay cuts than they ordinarily would. Out of sight, out of conscience.
How can we test my story? Most obviously, industries that switch to telework will be much more likely to impose nominal cuts. To repeat, that means lower nominal base pay for salaried employees, and lower nominal wages for hourly employees. In industries where some categories of workers switch to telework and others don’t, I also predict that the switching categories will be more likely to experience cuts. (There, however, horizontal equity norms may get in the way. If 95% of a firm’s employees telework, management might cheaply avoid outrage by also cutting pay for the 5% who work on-site).
Note: You don’t have to think that wage cuts are socially desirable to buy my story. For a tenured GMU professor such as myself, nominal wage cuts are all pain, no gain. That said, thirteen years after the Great Recession started, I remain convinced that nominal wage cuts are a greatly underrated way to alleviate the grave evil of unemployment. Nominal wage cuts don’t merely save jobs within the firm; they also save jobs throughout the economy. Keynes opposed wage cuts, but good Keynesians smile upon them.
Think of it this way: Suppose you have $1M total to pay workers. Which is better for Aggregate Demand: Retaining your whole workforce and cutting pay 10% – or keeping wages constant and laying off 10% of your employees? The latter route, though timeworn, reduces workers’ spending because the marginal propensity to consume falls with income – and reduces firm’s profitability in the process.
Does this make me optimistic about the economy? Hardly. We’re already in the midst of a second Great Depression, and even perfect nominal wage flexibility won’t restore normalcy anytime soon. Still, when word of nominal wage cuts reaches my ears, I feel a glimmer of hope. Unemployment will skyrocket. Without nominal pay cuts, however, unemployment would have been worst yet. Unemployment will take years to subside. Without nominal pay cuts, however, unemployment would have lingered longer still. As I wrote a decade ago:
Is labor market rigidity a market failure? I’m afraid so. But strangely enough, this market failure is largely caused by anti-market bias! The main reason workers hate wage cuts is that they imagine that wage-cutting employers are satanically “unfair.” If workers saw wage cuts for what they are – a full-employment mechanism – they’d sing a different tune. While they wouldn’t be happy to see their wages cut, they’d grudgingly accept that a little wage variability is a fair price to pay for near-total employment security. Once this economically enlightened perspective took hold, employers would eagerly cater to it – and the market failure would largely go away.
According to Peter Pan, “Everytime a child says ‘I don’t believe in fairies,’ there’s a little fairy somewhere that falls down dead.” As far as I know, he’s wrong about fairies. But if Peter had warned, “Everytime a person says, ‘I don’t believe in markets,’ there’s a worker somewhere that loses his job,” he wouldn’t have been far from the truth. Scoff if you must! People can and do cause market failure by believing in it.
Teleworkers still don’t believe in markets, but at least they’re less likely to tell each other, “I don’t believe in markets” – or act on their resentment. Thank goodness for small miracles.
P.S. Disclaimer: The best predictor of future data is past data- and we should never say, “This time it’s different” lightly. So I wouldn’t be shocked if aggregate data ultimately revealed continued severe nominal wage rigidity despite my current impressions of drastic change. If so, consider this piece an imaginative yet regrettable attempt to explain “facts” that barely happened…
READER COMMENTS
Garrett
Apr 22 2020 at 10:11am
Isn’t this an aggregate supply issue, not an aggregate demand issue? Laid-off workers reduce their real spending in the short term, which only affects nominal spending if the impact isn’t offset by the central bank. Of course in reality it typically isn’t offset (breakevens and realized inflation fall during recessions), but that’s a second order effect of pro-cyclical monetary policy, not the first order effect.
Matthias Görgens
Apr 22 2020 at 11:36pm
Yes, unemployment is just unequivocally bad for real supply.
Trevor W Adcock
Apr 23 2020 at 5:14am
If the central bank sets a money supply target, or an interest rate target, sure. Real shocks have a nominal effect if not offset. Any reputable economic model will reproduce this result. Don’t ever try to think about how individual actors spend or invest. It’s all nonsense, the point of economics is to figure out how the actions of many people impact things.
Aaron
Apr 22 2020 at 10:41am
I am a teacher in Vietnam: I work days at a fancy university and nights at a cram school. The cram school asked me to take a 50% pay cut last month, and I agreed. I expect the university will do something similar soon. It beats being unemployed.
Dylan
Apr 22 2020 at 11:41am
Scott had a post on wage stickiness a couple of weeks back, which caused me to go and try to look up some data. Surprisingly, I wasn’t able to find much actual empirical evidence that supported wage stickiness, and a fair amount of evidence against it, even in relatively good times. The below is from one of the papers, which is a meta-study from several countries. There were several others like this.
KevinDC
Apr 22 2020 at 11:47am
This is an interesting read for me, because I’m one of those who is part of the “wage cut” group.
I work as a consultant in healthcare economics and analytics. The consulting group I’m part of has been feeling the impact of the current environment pretty heavily. Organizations we had contracts set up with have been either postponing or canceling because they’re taking a big revenue hit of their own. Instead of firing anyone, our CEO decided to implement a 21.5% pay cut across the board for everyone making above a certain minimum salary. (I don’t know what that bottom floor was, I just know I was above it.) The idea is that we’ll hold things there until our projected revenue pipeline gets closer to normal.
For us, morale has held up pretty well. Obviously nobody is thrilled to take a pay cut. But there has been a strong sense of “we’re all in this together” and a notion of shared sacrifice. It probably helps that the pay cut was across the board above that minimum threshold – this isn’t a situation where the C-suite is pushing through big cuts for everyone while giving themselves big bonuses. It also probably helps that everyone knows that the troubles which led to this weren’t missteps by the company as such – when you recognize that the cause of the problem is exogenous, you’re less likely to be bitter about things.
As I type this, I’m wondering how much of a person’s tendency towards bitterness towards a pay cut is dependent on how they feel their situation fares against what’s happening to people in general. Maybe if your company is facing hardships you’re not fully aware of, due to economic circumstances you don’t really understand, and you and your team get their pay cut without a sense of context against the larger society, the result is maximum bitterness. In this case, the cause of the issue is highly visible – Covid-19. And the disparate impact is also highly visible. If you’re the sort of person who’s able to work from home with a laptop (like me!) you know you’re in a very fortunate group. If you’re a part time retail employee at Barnes and Noble (like me five years ago!) then you aren’t working at all. Given the ubiquity of people in that second circumstance, it’s probably especially difficult for laptop jockey’s like myself to feel too aggrieved about a temporary pay cut.
Michael Sandifer
Apr 22 2020 at 11:59am
My guess is that nominal wage cuts are more common in this recession, because they’re expected to be very temporary. There’s a huge real temporary component to this shock that we don’t often see in US recessions. It’s obviously unprecedented in some ways.
It’s perhaps much easier to accept wage cuts for a few months during the real shock, than essentially permanent wage cuts during much nominal longer lasting nominal shocks.
Michael
Apr 22 2020 at 1:46pm
You don’t think workers have a group chat set up? Eg, Slack.
Matthias Görgens
Apr 22 2020 at 11:40pm
Yes, but they are often monitored and definitely leave a ‘paper’ trail.
So people might be a bit more careful. (That’s purely comparatively. In absolute terms: they are still gossiping. Just less so.)
AMT
Apr 22 2020 at 4:05pm
I think “it’s different this time” is valid because generally workers are very hesitant to think it’s a choice between nominal wage cuts and layoffs; they think the employer is just trying to make up an excuse to pay them less to increase their own profits. In this case, everyone is aware of how widespread layoffs are and are a lot more willing to believe their job is on the line. So that may be a bigger reason that productivity isn’t impacted by low morale as much. The telework aspect might have a bit of a small effect, but I don’t see it being a big factor.
Michael Keenan
Apr 22 2020 at 6:53pm
The explanation that teleworkers lack a forum to complain about it is probably part of the explanation, but surely another (bigger?) part is, as you put it when explaining Bewley in 2013, “Firms in blatant financial distress found that pay cuts worked as long as they clearly explained the situation to their workers.”
It is currently unusually easy to explain your firm’s financial distress, so that option is surely better than it usually is.
Damian
Apr 23 2020 at 8:02am
my thoughts too. Morale matters too, but perhaps morale doesn’t suffer as much when “we’re all in this together.”
Mark Brady
Apr 22 2020 at 7:12pm
Bryan writes, “The latter route, though timeworn, reduces workers’ spending because the marginal propensity to consume falls with income – and reduces firm’s profitability in the process.”
That depends on your theory of the consumption function. If you accept Milton Friedman’s concept of the permanent income hypothesis, it doesn’t hold, does it?
Matthias Görgens
Apr 22 2020 at 11:41pm
The permanent income hypothesis depends on people’s ability to borrow and save at will.
And especially the borrowing ability might be impacted here?
Mark Brady
Apr 23 2020 at 3:36pm
Indeed.
Jim Rose
Apr 22 2020 at 9:00pm
There is so much evidence of nominal wage cuts based on data that is access to payslips and hours worked that it throws the efficient contracting literature into doubt
Thomas Hutcheson
Apr 24 2020 at 11:08am
Maybe it’s the implicit knowledge that in your regular, demand side recession, any unemployment at all is the result of bad monetary policy and why should workers bail out the Fed’s incompetence? In the pandemic case, the first recession triggered by a supply side event, a part of the fall in income (but only part; the Fed has let inflation expectations slip far below its supposed target of 2% PCE ` 2.5 CPI) is due to the supply shock.
Zoidberg
Apr 24 2020 at 2:33pm
Suppose you have $1M total to pay workers. Which is better for Aggregate Demand: Retaining your whole workforce and cutting pay 10% – or keeping wages constant and laying off 10% of your employees? The latter route, though timeworn, reduces workers’ spending because the marginal propensity to consume falls with income – and reduces firm’s profitability in the process.
Can someone help a non-economist out? I don’t understand the explanation, after the “because.” Surely, if “marginal propensity to consume falls with income,” then this applies to both the paycut case and the laying off case, right? Would the paycut not reduce workers’ spending? Or is the idea that it wouldn’t reduce their spending as much as the laying off? But if so, why? What am I missing?
Jim Rose
May 1 2020 at 2:07am
There is ample evidence of nominal pay cuts using data drawing from employee payslips and estimates of changes in hours. All the evidence was published recently in the Journal of Economic Perspectives.
Nominal pay cuts are so frequent that they throw the theories of efficient contracting that justify wage rigidity to repress opportunistic post contrat renegotiations into doubt
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