Over the years, I’ve done a number of posts reacting to Paul Krugman‘s columns and blog posts. Now that Krugman is retiring from his NYT column (but not from academia), I thought I’d share a few observations about his career as a pundit. What made Krugman such an influential economic pundit, perhaps the most influential?
Some pundits are especially good at showing how a seemingly simple problem might actually be quite complex. I’ve seen blog posts by people like Tyler Cowen and Scott Alexander that discuss an issue about which I can only think of 2 or 3 relevant factors. They somehow come up with 10 or 12 important perspectives, most of which I’d never considered. My mind tends to move along a narrow track.
Other pundits are especially good at showing that a seemingly complex problem actually has a fairly simple underlying cause. They are good at getting to the heart of an issue that seems very messy at first glance. Paul Krugman is one of the most talented at that sort of analysis. (He also has excellent writing skills.)
Many of my readers have views closer to mine than Krugman on questions such as size of government, deregulation, and fiscal stimulus. They are often surprised to find that I have a very high opinion of Krugman as an economist, despite important policy differences in some areas.
Although my policy views are closer to those of people like Tyler Cowen, my analytical approach is often closer to Krugman’s. Indeed, some would argue that I oversimplify things. Thus I argued that the Great Recession of 2008 was caused by overly tight money that depressed NGDP, and the other things we observed (such as financial distress) were mostly symptoms of that decline in aggregate demand. In a recent post, I argued that the Great Depression was more complicated than many people assume, but even in that case I believe the underlying cause was pretty simple: the hoarding of gold by central banks and the hoarding of currency by the public. The increased demand for those two media of account caused NGDP to fall in half between late 1929 and early 1933. Because of sticky wages, the sharply lower NGDP greatly reduced employment and output.
I’ve argued that Krugman’s 1998 Brookings paper entitled “It’s Baaack . . .” was the last example of an innovative paper that fundamentally changed how we think about money/macro. Of course there are lots of excellent research papers being done all the time, but we now seem to be running out of truly transformative ideas, or at least transformative ideas that are broadly accepted.
In that paper, Krugman developed a new way of thinking about the zero lower bound problem, also known as the “liquidity trap”, which occurs when nominal interest rates fall to zero. I won’t do an in depth discussion here; interested readers can look at my (fairly long) paper on the Princeton School of Macroeconomics. Most importantly, Krugman showed that underlying a liquidity trap is a deeper problem of an “expectations trap”, the challenge of shaping expectations of the future path of monetary policy. In my Princeton School paper, I used the analogy of the Coase Theorem to explain this insight. Coase had showed that underlying the issue of external cost, there’s a deeper problem associated with transactions costs. Coase is another economist that was good at seeing beyond all the surface complexity, and getting to the essence of a problem.
Congratulations to Paul Krugman on a distinguished career as a NYT columnist.
READER COMMENTS
Craig
Dec 12 2024 at 8:03am
Transitory!
Jon Murphy
Dec 12 2024 at 8:22am
Paul Krugman, at least on international trade, is an amazing communicator. Pop Internationalism remains one of the best books on trade that’s accessible to everyone. Even his textbook with Obsfeld and Melitz is highly accessible, despite requiring some mathematical knowledge.
Craig
Dec 12 2024 at 9:50am
Good Krugman……
Todd Ramsey
Dec 12 2024 at 9:07am
“What made Krugman such an influential economic pundit, perhaps the most influential?”
His column was in the New York Times, long considered the paper of record among elites.
TMC
Dec 12 2024 at 9:23am
Sometime right after that paper (1998) he ceased being an economist and used his vast analytical and linguistic skills for partisanship rather than enlightenment. A shame really. For the first decade columnist Krugman attempted to make arguments, but they were easily refuted by quotes from the economist Krugman. There was a pretty amusing ‘contest’ to find where respectable Krugman had made opposite claims from what NYT Krugman was publishing. Then I thought he retired or something.
Monte
Dec 12 2024 at 10:26am
UNRELATED: Link to Pierre’s “Kakistocracy” post is broken.
steve
Dec 12 2024 at 10:52am
I think he did a lot of good work and he was a good writer. However, at the end of his career writing for the NYT while he wrote some good stuff when trying to explain trade for example, he also engaged in a lot fo hackery.
Steve
johnson85
Dec 12 2024 at 3:35pm
There were two things that made Krugman so influential. One was his ability to an economist and a communicator (I guess arguably that’s two things; but that’s what gave him credibility). The other was his willingness to ignore what he knew was true as an economist in order to push what he wanted to be true politically.
What’s crazy is I don’t think it was all a lack of integrity. I think he genuinely let his partisanship effectively make him stupid. Pretty disturbing and should make everybody pretty skeptical of themselves, as most people don’t have a written record to clue them in when they are flip flopping.
David Henderson
Dec 12 2024 at 4:58pm
I think you can’t understand his NYT columns without understanding the role of his wife. The New Yorker did a puff piece on him over a decade ago in which that came across loud and clear.
Craig
Dec 12 2024 at 8:56pm
Don’t worry, in the marketplace of ideas there is typcially some contrarian voice and I am pretty sure right now Bob Murphy and Tom Woods are resuscitating Contra Krugman one more time to oppose Krugman’s decision to retire.
BC
Dec 14 2024 at 2:48am
Perhaps, this is the New Yorker profile: [https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2010/03/01/the-deflationist]? Yikes! I guess the NYT got two columnists for the price of one (like Bill and Hillary Clinton used to like to say about Bill’s presidency).
David S
Dec 12 2024 at 6:25pm
I’m particularly fond of his book The Great Unraveling–which seems all the more relevant now with a grifters like Elon Musk and Trump slouching around Mar a Lago and pretty soon The White House. In retrospect, he should have been harder on the people who pushed the Democrats away from kitchen table issues and into unwinnable culture war crusades.
Correct me if I’m wrong, but he and Scott intersect the most on Japanese monetary policy in the 90’s through most of this century. There’s a big difference between a Central Bank talking about loosening the money supply vs. maintaining a policy stance of zero inflation. Granted, Japan certainly hasn’t collapsed, but they needlessly subjected themselves to decades of torpor.
Matthias
Dec 12 2024 at 10:40pm
A policy stance of zero inflation could actually work, if you announce and implement it as price level targeting. (Where the target trajectory just happens to be constant.)
George Selgin’s book Less Than Zero points out that even deflation works well, if you announce and implement it as a nominal GDP level target. Where, once again, the target is a constant horizontal line. (The book makes some theoretical arguments, and brings up the historical experiences with free banking on a gold standard for real life practical approximations.)
Of course, Japan did not announce any level targeting. (And Scott thinks that targeting an upwards growing level would be more beneficial in practice today.)
David S
Dec 13 2024 at 9:17am
The thought experiment of a sustained deflationary economy was bending my brain a bit, so thank you. I was able to work through a scenario where you need an enlightened population that is fine with prices and salaries in a nominal state of decline, but productivity and quality of life are still generally good. If a tourist visits this country they can get an amazing meal in a high rise restaurant for 1/3 of the price they would pay in the U.S.
Also, Scott has pointed out how the average rate of inflation in 19th century U.S. was effectively zero, but I don’t regard that as an ideal political economy.
Craig
Dec 13 2024 at 9:52am
“prices and salaries in a nominal state of decline”
How about prices go down and salaries go up? Productivity boom? I’m thinking 19th century?
Thomas L Hutcheson
Dec 12 2024 at 9:05pm
But in both the Great Depression and the ZLB cases, aren’t they both just failures of monetary _policy_?
Was there nothing the 29’s-40’s Fed could have legally done to offset the gold and currency hoarding? [I know the gold standard was an obstacle, but no sneaky work-arounds?]
Can’t a central bank foil expectations by announcing that it will “do what it takes” to produce over-target inflation (or goose nominal NGDP growth) and stating to move its instruments in ways normally thought of as “inflationary/expansionary?”
Scott Sumner
Dec 13 2024 at 6:02pm
The Fed was one of the biggest gold hoarders, so there’s clearly something the Fed could have done differently. In addition, the currency hoarding was mostly caused by bank failures, which were caused by a tight Fed policy during 1929-30.
Ian Maitland
Dec 14 2024 at 11:16pm
I tend to agree with the admonition “de mortuis nil nisi bonum,” and normally I’d even extend it to a departing columnist. But Scott carries the advice to an extreme.
It’s not just that when Krugman makes a mistake, it’s a beaut. (Remember election night in 2016 when Krugman predicted a stock market crash? Or how to the bitter end he got Biden’s inflation wrong?). No, It’s also the way he has gotten things wrong. As Sebastian Mallaby wrote in The Atlantic (2020), in a piece titled “Cool it Krugman,” in 1999, Krugman became a Times columnist. Almost immediately—and long before Donald Trump became president—technocratic dispassion gave way to polemics.” “Or, in Krugman’s broad and snarling formulation: ‘Republicans don’t just have bad ideas; at this point, they are, necessarily, bad people.’”
At least since the beginning of the millennium, Krugman has had a strained relationship with the truth. Back when I used to read Krugman’s column, I curated a collection of examples where the evidence he cited didn’t back up his claims. For example, on January 27, 2014, Krugman cited Angus Deaton for the proposition that “There is, for example, strong evidence that high inequality leads to worse health and higher mortality.” But the article he cited found nothing of the sort. Deaton said that being poorer is associated with worse health outcomes, but the fact that there are other people who are richer than one is does not lead to higher mortality.
In his farewell column, Krugman claims that back in 2002 and ’03, “those of us who argued that the case for invading Iraq was fundamentally fraudulent received a lot of pushback from people refusing to believe that an American president would do such a thing?” In a column in 2015, he said that “We were, in a fundamental sense, lied into war.” But while it is true that no one any longer claims that Saddam had W.M.D.’s, it doesn’t follow that the Bush Administration was lying. The case isn’t closed, but Krugman is likely mistaken. After all, even Hans Blix, the UN Chief Weapons Inspector, who led the U.N. inspectors in Iraq, says in his book Disarming Iraq that his gut feeling, even in early 2003, was that Iraq still concealed weapons of mass destruction. Even the notorious leaked Downing Street memo purportedly showing a cover-up by the Blair government in the U.K. actually does nothing of the sort. The memo outlined a discussion of the potential risks of an invasion of Iraq. Here is an excerpt: “You said that Saddam could also use his WMD on Kuwait. Or on Israel, added the Defence Secretary.” Why was Blair’s government preparing for the possibility of Saddam’s use of WMDs if it knew he didn’t have any?
Mallaby offers other examples. “On other issues, Krugman’s caricature of Republicans is even further off the mark. He accuses the party, with reason, of catering to racial animosity—only to then go too far. It isn’t just some Republicans who take this position, in his telling. Rather, the vast majority do. He dismisses the idea that many Republicans might favor small government while rejecting racial intolerance, writing that this combination “is logically coherent, but doesn’t seem to have any supporters beyond a few dozen guys in bow ties.” Yet Pew tells a more mixed story: 53 percent of white Republicans say that America’s efforts to extend equal rights to black people have been about sufficient, and an additional 15 percent say that these efforts have not gone far enough. On taxes, Pew reports that 42 percent of Republicans say that some corporations don’t pay their fair share. And despite Krugman’s assertion that “Republicans almost universally advocate low taxes on the wealthy,” 37 percent of Republicans believe that some of the wealthy should pay more.
Ray
Dec 15 2024 at 8:25am
Seems like he was a smart guy, and a respected economist to other economists.
To the public, he was a partisan, political pundit known for almost always being wrong.
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