
Cosmopolitanism is the idea that all people on the planet are part of a global community. The philosophy of cosmopolitanism is very broad, sometimes advocating universal rules, or that we should all have the same partiality to people far away than we do closer to us. By appending the modifier “methodological” to “cosmopolitanism,” I mean to invoke a meaning similar to the philosophical one, but more limited to just one’s analytical method. In short, I am using the phrase “methodological cosmopolitanism” simply to mean that when examining the economic effects of something, the costs and benefits to all parties affected must be taken into account. Arbitrary distinctions like race, nationality, gender, wealth, class, etc., do not determine whose costs matter and whose do not.
Methodological cosmopolitanism is necessary to economic understanding. Consider the so-called optimal tariff. Given certain conditions, a sufficiently small tariff could potentially create a net social welfare gain: consumer surplus losses plus the deadweight loss from the tariff can be less than the surplus gains to the producers and the government. This outcome is quite unique among taxes: with the exception of taxes on goods that generate externalities, the model of taxes indicates a net welfare loss. Tariffs are not taxes on externalities. So, how do they generate net welfare gains? Through an accounting slight-of-hand. Optimal tariffs only suggest a net welfare gain because the reduction in surplus to the foreign producers is not counted in the model. If those reductions were counted, then the optimal tariff no longer creates a net welfare gain.
Many economic nationalists object at this point. When discussing the point above, I often get a retort along the lines of, “Who cares that foreigners have their welfare reduced? We should only care about our nation!” Whether or not the wellbeing of a foreigner matters from a moral standpoint is irrelevant; it matters significantly from an economic standpoint. Trade, all trade, is reciprocal. In the initial exchange, both parties benefit (the buyer gets something of higher value than their money and the seller gets something of higher value than the good they sell). But the exchange process does not end there. The seller sold and now has dollars. They can do any number of things with that: buy goods from the other nation, invest in the other nation, etc. When trade is reduced between two nations, then economic wellbeing is reduced twice: once through the tariff reducing primary exchanges, and again when the foreigner, who has been made worse off, now has fewer dollars to spend on exports or investments in the economy. As Abba Lerner pointed out in 1936, a tariff on imports has a similar reductive effect on exports.
This effect, well known to economists (indeed, one of the reasons why an optimal tariff has to be sufficiently small is to minimize the loss to domestic producers/consumers attached to the export market) is missed by nationalists and others who reject methodological cosmopolitanism. Even if one does not think the wellbeing of foreigners should matter, one must be a methodological cosmopolitan to fully appreciate and consider the total effects of policy (as opposed to simple single margin effects).
READER COMMENTS
David Seltzer
Mar 25 2025 at 5:49pm
Jon: Clearly explained. Thanks!
john hare
Mar 25 2025 at 7:23pm
I work with many other nationalities here in Florida. Wife is from Mexico as well as about half of the people I work with and around. They are nearly unanimous in having a positive reaction to my expressed sentiment. “It’s not that I care about Mexico, it’s that you being here is good for my country.” Actually, I do care a little about the other countries, jst nowhere near as much as I care about this one.
steve
Mar 25 2025 at 8:43pm
In the internet era dont we call this TANSTAAFL? Anyway, it seems like tariffs are now the answer for everything. The latest theory is that countries will come begging us to drop the tariffs. We will agree to do that only if they exchange all current US debt for century bonds that have a maturity of 100 years and pay no interest. I have a hard time seeing foreign govts being thrilled at that but as per Pierre, note that at least 52% of that US debt is help by private entities. They will definitely have better options than zero percent.
Steve
Jon Murphy
Mar 25 2025 at 8:56pm
They’re related but not quite the same.
Mactoul
Mar 25 2025 at 10:20pm
Doesn’t this cosmopolitan imperative, which presumably is addressed to working economists, strike at the very raison d’etre of the economist profession, which has always existed as a part of modern administrative state, charged with management of national economy and giving advice to the governments.
Jon Murphy
Mar 26 2025 at 6:28am
No. Your “raison d’etre” is false.
And this post isn’t addressed to working economists. If it were, I’d have sent it to a journal. It’s to the general public.
Mactoul
Mar 26 2025 at 12:07am
To talk of total effects of this or that policy is to fall into the conceit of knowledge. You may calculate second-order effects but there are yet third-order effects that may be dominant in some far future or far-off people.
Of example, changes in American visa policies effects people’s incentives in Indian villages which may have effects in American cities in the next generation.
De Jasay, who was no extremist in methodological individualism, has written of imperatives and rationality of the state in itself, apart of any preferences of individuals, either ruling or ruled. In this connection, a recent speech of JD Vance is instructive:
“Because there were two conceits that our leadership class had when it came to globalization. The first is assuming that we can separate the making of things from the design of things. The idea of globalization was that rich countries would move further up the value chain while the poor countries made the simpler things.”
“It turns out that the geographies that do the manufacturing get awfully good at the designing of things. There are network effects as you all well understand. The firms that design products work with firms that manufacture.”
“They share intellectual property. They share best practices, and they even sometimes share critical employees. Now we assume that other nations would always trail us in the value chain, but it turns out that as they got better at the low end of the value chain, they also started catching up on the higher end. We were squeezed from both ends. Now that was the first conceit of globalization.”I think the second is that cheap labor is fundamentally a crutch, and it’s a crutch that inhibits innovation. I might even say that it’s a drug that too many American firms got addicted to. Now if you can make a product more cheaply, it’s far too easy to do that rather than to innovate.”
“And whether we were offshoring factories to cheap labor economies or importing cheap labor through our immigration system – cheap labor became the drug of Western economies.”
“And I’d say that if you look in nearly every country from Canada to the UK that imported large amounts of cheap labor, you’ve seen productivity stagnate. And I don’t think that that’s not a total happenstance. I think that the connection is very direct.”
“Now one of the debates you hear on the minimum wage, for instance, is that increases in the minimum wage force firms to automate. So a higher wage at McDonald’s means more kiosks. And whatever your views on the wisdom of the minimum wage, I’m not gonna comment on that here. Companies innovating in the absence of cheap labor is a good thing.”
“I think most of you are not worried getting cheaper and cheaper labor. You’re worried about innovating, about building new things, about the old formulation of technology is doing more with less. You guys are all trying to do more with less every single day.”
“And so I I’d ask my friends, both on the the tech optimist side and on the populist side, not to see the failure of the logic of globalization as a failure of innovation. Indeed, I’d say that globalization’s hunger for cheap labor is is a problem precisely because it’s been bad for innovation.”
“Both our working people, our populace, and our innovators gathered here today have the same enemy, and the solution, I believe, is American innovation.”
Jon Murphy
Mar 26 2025 at 6:30am
I think you need to reread the post. Your objection doesn’t make sense.
Knut P. Heen
Mar 26 2025 at 6:41am
Just to add some info. In the non-English speaking part of Europe, economics have often had a pre-fix like National Economics (German and Swedish) or State Economics (Norway) indicating a state/nation focus. This is most clearly seen in international trade where the social surplus (more properly called national social surplus) do not count the surpluses of the foreign trade partners. You also see it in cost-benefit calculations on roads where there is always a discussion whether to count the benefit of foreign tourists driving on the roads or not.
I do, however, have an objection. I think that methodological individualism rules out both a national and a cosmopolitan approach. I like the Pareto-approach where the gaining individuals actually have to compensate the losing individuals to constitute an economic improvement.
Jon Murphy
Mar 26 2025 at 8:02am
I can see how methodological individualism may rule out a national approach, but I fail to see how it rules out a cosmopolitan approach.
Janet Bufton
Mar 26 2025 at 7:14am
I think you may have stumbled on not only an argument for liberals against these policies, but also a reason that economics is having a hard time providing a compelling answer to our new trade warriors. “Distinctions like race, nationality, gender, wealth, class, etc.” are arbitrary from the point of view of an economist following “methodological cosmopolitanism” (most economists), but they can also be the point of applying political power.
The underlying assumption is that the right framework to analyze these policies is a liberal one. That a global trade war is a live option suggests that liberal assumptions and frameworks can’t be taken for granted.
Jon Murphy
Mar 26 2025 at 8:05am
Sure, but my point of using the optimal tariff as an example is to show that, even from a nationalist viewpoint, the seemingly “optimal” policy actually reduces welfare of the nation. By refusing to acknowledge the costs imposed on foreigners and the subsequent impact of those costs on the nation, the nationalist undermines his goals.
In other words, methodological cosmopolitanism is the necessary analytical framework even if one rejects cosmopolitanism as a valid philosophy.
Dylan
Mar 26 2025 at 8:47am
I once started a job at a big corporation and my job was to develop a program to connect the company to promising startups. As I was doing this, my manager must have gotten tired of me asking questions about the value that the startups would get from joining our program, because she interrupted me and said “You have to remember you’re at a big company now and you have to look at it from the perspective only of what is in it for us.”
My response was very much in the same spirit as this post, only by looking at the incentives of our partners and making sure that they saw value out of partnering with us, could I ensure that we would also generate value for the company. My explanation apparently didn’t change hearts and minds, and the whole division was shut down a short time later.
Comments are closed.